Saturday, November 28, 2020

Kristina Magnusdotter's letter to her uncle Påval Scheel, dated October 1515

Source:



Nådendal sister Kristina Magnusdotter writes to her uncle Påval Scheel and asks about his health. She also asks him to send old butter or other fat for medicinal use, as well as greetings from the abbess.

The letter:

Aue Maria
gracia plena.

Myn dotterlige ödmyukt met gud:ge wndzskyllige tienist altiid sendt. Myn kereste fader, sidan i her wore siistis haffuer jak wariid mygit sörgendis om iders bestand mædan i sza ider clagaden etc. Thy kunde jak ey nw mik lengre holda vtan iders faderlighet sökia bidiendis, thet i velie och werdiges lata mik wete hure ider gar. Werdigenss och wetha thet jak fig mijn kereste moders scriffuilse sza hon ma wel och lather iders werdighet kerlige helsse met mang god or. Om then rogen, som i wethe, myn kereste fader, aff honom görer hwad iders faderlighet sielff täckis, han görss mik ecke behoff nw etc. vtan om thet gamalt smör och nagot annad thet feeth är til nagid läkedom etc. Är myn stor ödmyuke bön jders faderlighet wet vel hwar til jak thet behoff, som jak siistis vnderuiste. Moder abbatissa lather ider kerlige hälssa eders faderlighet. Her met alzmectigen Gud bode til siel och lyff, begerendes vethe hure ider gar etc. Ex Nadendal raptim fferia 2 post Calixti conuentus sub signeto.

Eders fatige dotther
syster Christina Magnj etc.

Kristina Magnusdotter's letter to her uncle Påval Scheel, year 1515 or 1516

Source:




Sister Kristina Magnusdotter writes to her uncle, the Provost Påval Scheel, to defend herself against accusations that she had slandered him.

The letter:

Hederwerdughin herre mester Powal, domprowest i Abo, syn keriste moderbroder oc elskeligiste fader, ødmyukeliken sendis thette.

Aue Maria gracia plena. Myn dotterlige ødmyukt met wndzskyllige tienst nw oc altiid sendt met Gudh. Werduge herre, myn elskelige keriste fader, vnfig iach iders kerlige scriffuilse oc faderlige rod nw for nogre daga, huilke jach myket kerlige anamade met then del i mik sende, thet ider løne alzmectoghen Gudh met mykit annad got i mik offortiænt haffuen altiide bewist. Men i sama scriffuelse vnderstod jach mik wara illa beførdh oc besagd for iders faderlige werdighet, thet mik ekke kunde annars vtan illa behaga, thet ær at jach skulde sende ider faderlige werdighet spe ord, thet then alwollogh Gud kenne oc mik witne skal bæra ath jach ikke giort haffuer ey heller thenkt haffuer gøra och ey heller gøra ma i nogre motte; thy iders faderlighet ekke thet i nogra motta fortienth haffuer, vtan største tack, æra, heder oc wørdo, och jæmwel vilde jach fførre vpbæra spe oc spot aff al werdens menniskior æn ider eth ord tiltala, thet ider skulde mistækkias, oc mykit mindre sænde met frømende folk; alzwolloghen Gudh forlate then mith bood haffuer til iders faderlighet waridh i thet ærendet; och i for Gudz skuld oc hanss signade moder Marie mik forlate werdighinss myn broth, thet mik offuersakt ær. Æn met Gudz hielp om sanninden ma nogan framgong haffua, tha ær jak ikke brwtzligen i the ærende. Och epter iders faderlige werdoghetz rod vil jach her epter mik vel taga til wara ath then jak giszer mith bod haffuer gongit i thette ærende, skal ikke i myne ærende haffua møde framdelis, hwaske til santh eller osanth, til huilkit mik Gudh oc sanctus Thomas ma hielpa etc. Jtem myn kerste fader, om thet i forwndrar at jach inte bod haffuer hafft til iders werdighet sidan myn kere moder her war, haffuer jach ther vdi ingen genstride haffth vtan myn eghen vanskilse mik thet fortaget haffuer och endels ath jac inted got kan met iders faderlighet fortiene eller forskylle, heltz met swadane bod som nw nyliga haffuer gongit millan iders faderlighet oc mik, mik oc inted annad brister, vtan jach nw motte faa iders werdighetz wenskap och hyllest ighen, then jach formerker mig nw haffua vtan min brwth mysth. Nær jach hør och bespør ider helbrygd wara och wel gaa i handh haffuer jach nog, thet kenne Gud oc sancta Birgitta, them jach iders faderlige werdighet ødmjukelica oc wyrdelige befeller til æwigh tiid. Ex Nadendal sabbato post dominicam Pastor bonus etc. sine signeto. Eders fatige dottersyster Cristina Magnusdotter.

Dorothea of Brandenburg's letter for Arild Bagge, dated July 10, 1495

Source:



Above: Dorothea of Brandenburg, queen of Denmark, Norway and Sweden, artist unknown.

The letter:

Wij Dorothea met gudz nade Danmarckes Sweriges Norges Vendes oc Gotes drotnengh hertwginne vdi Sleszwigh oc vdi Holsten Stormarn oc Ditmersken hertwginne grefwinne vdi Oldenborgh oc Delmenhorst gøre alle vittherlicht at wij aff wor synderligh gwnst oc nade swo oc fore høgboren førstes koningh Hanses wor kiere søns bøn oc scriffwelse skyld haffwe nw vntt oc forlentt oc met thette wort obne breff vnne oc forlæne thenne breffwisere Arild Bagge wor elskelige man oc thiener wortt oc kronens læen Jemptelandh vdi Norghe liggendes at nydhe brwghe oc beholle swo lenghe wor nade tilsigher met swodanne forordh oc vilkaar at han skal giffue oss ther aff aarlicht skatt oc landgilde som ther pleyer aarlighe aff at ganghe oc ydhe oss then her paa Kalundeborg hwert aar at pingtze dagz eller sancti Hanses baptiste dagz tiidh som er mitsommer. Oc skal han gøre oss godh redhe oc regenskab for hwes saghefald ther fallendes vorder aff the ther forbrydhe garde godtz oc arffwe deell modh oss oc kronen fore vqwedensmaall, men hwes andhet saghefald han ther ytthermere vpbærendes vorder vnne wii hanum at haffwe til siitt behoff oc skal han holle wore oc kronens thienere vdi for:ne læen wedher logh skeell oc rett, gardenne oc godtzet wedher sin heffd som thet sigh bør oc som han wil andsware fore gudh och wære bekendht fore oss høgboren første koningh Hans wor kiere søn oc Norges raadh. Thii forbwde wij alle ehwoo the hælst ære eller wære kwnne oc serdelis wore oc for:ne wor kiere søns fogither oc embetzmen oc alle andhre aandelighe oc werdtzelighe for:ne Arild Bagge her imodh at hindre hindreladhe eller vdi noghre modhe atwforrette vnder vor drotninglighe heffnd oc wredhe. Datum in castro nostro Kalundeborgh die beati Kanuti regis et martiris anno domini mcdxcquinto nostro reginali sub secreto presentibus inferius appenso.

Anne of Denmark's letter to Christian Barnekow, dated March 30, 1595

Source:



Above: Anne of Denmark, Queen of Scotland, painted by Adrian Vanson.


The letter:

Monsieur Bernecau trouant La Commodite de vous escrire, nous ne voudrons faillir de vous enuoyer de nos Lettres pour vous faire entendu nous tiendrons Les mereits de vos verteus en tres digne Consideration, esperant de vous donner ausi de Joure en Joure plus ample occasion de Vous euertuer de nous faire Seruice comme par cet moyen nous serons oblige comme par cet de recognoistre en touts endroits et occasions qui Seront represente pour monstrer La grand disposition auons de vous fair plaisir aggreable La rest nous remettons aux lettres de nostre Seruiteur et Srecretaire fouler ce pendant. En fin nous prions dieu de vous maintenir ... sainte gard
Votre meilleuir
amy.
Anna

De Halyrudhous 30 Mars 1595

Princess Unakami's poem (MYS IV: 531) for the Emperor, date 8th century

Source:

http://www.wakapoetry.net/mys-iv-531/

The poem:

梓弓爪引く夜音遠音にも君が御幸を聞くかくし良しも

Romaji (reconstructed Old Japanese):

adusayumi
tumabiku yo’oto no
topo oto ni mo
kimi ga miyuki o
kiku kakusi yosi mo

English translation:

A catalpa bow
String plucked in the night
Sounds in the distance;
That Your Majesty will on a journey go
Is just as fortunate to hear.

Poem (MYS III: 404) by Saeki sukune Akamaro's daughter, date 8th century

Source:

http://www.wakapoetry.net/mys-iii-404/

The poem:

ちはやぶる神の社しなかりせば春日の野辺に粟蒔かましを

Romaji (reconstructed Old Japanese):

tipayaburu
kami no yasiro si
nakariseba
kasuga no nope ni
apa makamasi wo

English translation:

If the mighty
Gods’ shrines
Did not exist, then
On the plains at Kasuga
Would I sow foxtail millet.

Poem (MYS II: 379) by Lady Ōtomo of Sakanoue, date mid 8th century

Source:

http://www.wakapoetry.net/mys-iii-379/

Ōtomo no Sakanoue no Iratsume (大伴坂上郎女, born circa 700, died 750), also known as Lady Ōtomo of Sakanoue, was an important Japanese poet with 84 poems in the Man'yōshū.

The poem:

ひさかたの 天の原より 生れ來る 神の命 奧山の 賢木の枝に しらか付く 木綿取り付けて 齋瓮を 齋ひ掘り据ゑ 竹玉を 繁に貫き垂れ 獸じもの 膝折り伏して たわや女の 襲取り懸け かくだにも 我れは祈ひなむ 君に逢はじかも

Romaji (reconstructed Old Japanese):

pisakata nö
ama nö para yori
arekitaru
kamï nö mikötö
okuyama nö
sakakï nö eda ni
siraka tuku
yupu toritukete
ipapipe wo
ipapiporisuwe
takatama wo
sidi ni nukitare
sisidi monö
piza woripusite
tawayame nö
osupi torikake
kaku dani mo
are pa kopinamu
kimi ni apadi ka mo

English translation:

On eternal
Heaven’s field
Were born
The mighty gods:
From deep within the mountains
Comes the branch of sakaki, sacred tree,
Pure white
Mulberry cloth I tie upon it;
Sacred jars,
I bury in the earth;
Bamboo discs
I string close together, and
As a beast
On bended knee, prostrate myself;
A gentle maiden’s
Stole upon me,
And in this way
Do I pray;
But still I may not meet him.

Poem (MYS II: 224) by a maiden of Yosami after Lord Kakinomoto no Hitomaro's death, date circa 710

Source:

http://www.wakapoetry.net/mys-ii-224/

The poem:

今日今日と我が待つ君は石川の峽に交りてありといはずやも

Romaji (reconstructed Old Japanese):

kepu kepu tö
wa ga matu kimi pa
isikapa nö
kapi ni mazirite
ari tö ipazu ya mo

English translation:

‘Will it be this day, or this day?’
The man I’m waiting for
Ishikawa’s
Pass has entered
Can’t you say?

Saturday, November 21, 2020

Pernille Oxe's letter to Kristoffer Gøye, dated March 24, 1570

Source:


The letter:

[Mynn ganntze] wenlig helszen nu och altid forsendt [mett wor herjre. Kiere Chrestopher och kiere morbroder, [will] ieg nu och altiid haffue deg saa gantze høylig och gierne betackett for saa møgenn ere och gott, som thu mig altiid y saa manghe maade giord och beuist haffuer, for huis thw skaltt altiid befinnde migh ganntze goduilighe att forskylle huoss deg, mett altt huis gott y myn ringhe maghtt kand werre, der du kand haffue ere oc gott aff. Kier morbroder, saa giffuer ieg theg wenlighenn thilkiende, att ieg fiick thind schriffuelsze rett nu, och formercker ieg der wdij, att thw est begierrindis, att ieg wille sennde dig kon. maytt. breff, som thend bunde haffuer forhueruitt thill migh, thisligistte denn suplicatz paa synn klaggemoll. Saa giffuer ieg thig wenligen thilkiende, att ieg nu sender deg en copij aff same kon. maytt. breff och en copij aff hans suplicatz, att thu der wdy kand forfare hans myning, och skulle ieg well sielffuer haffue sendt etther same breffue, nu kom ieg som gud jcke hyem førind y affthis syllig, saa ieg jcke sielffuer fiick breffuenn førind rett nu, dynn bud kam. Saa will ieg nu haffue bud effther Hening Matzen och forhørre, huor thette henngher sammen der mett. Som mig syniis y hans klagemoll, thaa skall hand well werre end god karlle. Kier Christopher och kier morbroder, saa wed ieg nu jnthett sønderligt att schriffue dig thill om paa thenne tiid. Der som ieg wiist y nogen maade att giøre, der du kunde haffue ere och gott aff, tha skall thu fynnde mig gantze goduiilge der thill. Her mett deg mett altt, huis theg kierd er, gud almectigestte befalindis. Datum Korszøer langfredag aar 1570.
Pernnelle Oxe.

With modernised spelling:

Min ganske venlig hilsen nu och altid forsendt med vor Herre. Kære Kristoffer och kære morbroder, vil jeg nu och altid have dig så ganske højlig och gerne betakket for så megen ære och gode, som du mig altid i så mange måde gjort och bevist haver, for hvis du skalt altid befinde mig ganske godvillige at forskylle hos dig, med alt hvis godt i min ringe magt kan være, der du kan have ære og gode af. Kær morbroder, så giver jeg dig venligen tilkende, at jeg fik din skrivelse ret nu, og formærker jeg derudi, at du est begærendes, at jeg ville sende dig Kon. Majt. bref, som den bonde haver forhvervet til mig, desligeste den supplikats på sin klagemål. Så giver jeg dig venligen tilkende, at jeg nu sender dig en kopi af samme Kon. Majt. bref och en kopi af hans supplikats, at du derudi kan forfare hans mening, och skulle jeg vel selver have sendt eder samme breve, nu kom jeg som Gud ikke hjem førend i aftes skyldig [?], så jeg ikke selver fik breven førend ret nu, din bud kam. Så vil jeg nu have bud efter Hening Matsen och forhøre, hvor dette hænger sammen dermed. Som mig synes i hans klagemål, då skal han vel være end god karle. Kær Kristoffer og kær morbroder, så ved jeg nu intet synderligt at skrive dig til om på denne tid. Der som jeg vist i nogen måde at gøre, der du kunne have ære og gode af, da skal du finde mig ganske godvillige dertil. Hermed dig med alt, hvis dig kært er, Gud almægtigeste befalendes. Datum Korsør langfredag år 1570.
Pernille Oxe.

Ide Truidsdatter Ulfstand's letter to Birgitte Bølle, dated January 8, 1570

Source:


Min hierte allerke hulde syster, ieg kand aldrigh fuldtacke eder for saa megitt ære och huldhedt och gode schriffuelsse och saa mange wsigelige welgierninger, som y haffuer beuist meg wdj saa mange maade, som meg wmugligtt er att oprægne. Den euige herre gud wære eders lønere och betalere for dett altsamens, der skall ieg och mine børn bede om, den stundtt wy leffuer. Min hierte allerke hulde syster, rætt som ethers gode schriffuelsse och bud kom her y gaarde, tha kom her ett budtt fra wortt skib och fiskere, saa att de ligger wid Fiellerup strandtt och er well widtt machten, gud wære loffuitt, alle sammens, och er der iss emellom landett och thennom, saa mandtt kand icke ther well opskibe, men thett første gud will, att thett bliffuer en goedtt norduest, saa forhaabis meg medtt gudtz hielp, att de komme well hidtt till thette landtt. Will y saa well giøre och lade Michill Suinholtt komme hidtt medtt thett første, saa skall mine thiænere opskibe iij lest, som y skriffuer, att y wille haffue hiem, och skall Michill slett ingen aff ethers thiænere sige till, før gudtt will, hand kommer hidtt till megh, for weerligen giffuer seg icke saa, att mand kandtt altid skibe, naar mandtt will. Och giør y mere endtt well, att y wille saa lade ethers thiænere føren her fra. Och sender ieg eder en thøndne sild, till gudt will, y fanger aff ethers egen. Och bliffuer her siden medtt gudtz hielp halff tridie lest y skibbett igien aff ethers sildtt, den skall ieg medtt gudtz hielp fly eder saa gode rede paa, som thett wore myn egen. Och skall ieg well troff, att wortt skib kand icke komme saa snartt y marcktt, som ieg gerne wille, for alle haffnnerne leggis nu fast medtt iss. Dett allerførste gud will, thette folck kand komme hiem, att [ieg] kand nogett see meg om medtt dennom, saa ska[ll] ieg komme till eder, thi meg lengis effter eder aff altt mitt gandske hierte, och saa tale medtt eder om alting, som ieg icke nu altsammens skriffue kand eller thør wmage eder medtt saa lang skriffuelsse. Min hierte allerke syster, aldtt min troff och loffue er hoss eder, att y forskaffer dett saa, att ieg faar icke wtack aff min frues naade. Ieg skall komme medtt thett allerførste och tha att wære hoss hindis naade, saa lenge hindis naade will haffue meg. Och kand ieg eder icke heller fuldtacke for ethers gode tilbudtt, y biuder megh till att wille haffue mine børn hoss eder. Ieg haab[is] snartt att komme till ether medtt gudtz hielp, saa w[ill] ieg icke wmage eder medtt nogen lang schrif[fuelse], men ieg beder eder saa gandske gerne, att dersom [y wed] y nogen maade ieg kand giøre eller bestille nog[ett for] ether, y wille tha raade och biude offuer meg som [offuer] ethers troff hulde datter. Will y well giøre och sige eders iomfruer och gode selskop mange gode natter paa mine wegne. Den aller weldigste herre gud befaler ieg eder, och hand giffue eder och ethers gandske huss ett gott lycksaligtt nytt aar medtt languarendis sundhed, och hand lade meg och mine børn aldrig saffne ether, den stund wy skulle leffue. Ex Skierssøø søndagen nest epther helligtrekonger dag 1570.
Idde Falck Gyes.

Pernille Oxe's letter to Birgitte Bølle, dated December 1, 1569

Source:


The letter:

M. a. k. Berette oc myn kere søster, gud almetygeste hand uere nu altyd hos dyg med syn helyg and oc nade. oc hand beuare dyg altyd naedelyg oc uel fra alt det, som vndt er, oc vnde dyg lenge adt leue oc lyde uel, V det uyl ieg sa trolyg bade ynske oc bed af gud, som ieg war dyn boren soster, det mad du uyst tro. M. a. k. Berette oc myn kere soster, ieg uyl nu lade al betakelsen bestaed, men dog madt du uyst forlade dyg tyl, adt alle dyne mongfoldyg uelgernynge skall blyue udforglemt hos meg, sa lenge ieg leuer, med al trohed, det mad du uyst tro. M. a. k. Berete oc myn kere soster, sa kand ieg aller fol skryue dyg tyl, sa red fast meg lenges efter dyg, oc sa redt vndt det gør meg, adt uy skolie uere sa lenge fra huer ander, sa beder ieg dyg sa ganske gerne, adt du uylt nu byde meg tyl, hore det er med myn morbroder, om hand har nu uel forwondet det vnde, hand hade y hans aerm, gud ued, det har gyurd meg redtelyge vnd, adt ieg hore, hand har hadt sa suare uedage dery, gud for syn kere søens skyl da vnde ham, adt hand mad uel foruyndt oc kome uel tyl syn helbred ygen, dae ued gud, adt det skolie uere meg redtelyg kert. Sa beder ieg dyg sa ganske gerne, m. a. k. Berette oc myn kere soster, adt du uylt nu byde meg tyl, hore snart Krestoefer oc du achtte eder af det land, for ieg ued, adt ieg adt ieg toer nu yk foruente eder hyd tyl meg, for end y draue her af landt, sa ued gud, adt ieg saed redtelyg gerne, adt y uylle blyue y det land, for ieg har dog godt af ede, adt ieg uyd, y ere y det land, dog uy fyndes selen, men ieg hade dog yk troed, den tyd uy skyldes, adt uy skolie uere sa lenge fra huerander, men du madt uyst tro, adt der som myn helbred uar meg sa stoer, det ieg konde feres, dae skolie ieg uyst had uered hos Krestoefer y hans sygdoem, dog hand konde ledt godt haue hadt deraf. M. a. k. Berette oc myn kere soster, sa ued ieg nu ynd sunderlycht adt skryue dyg tyl, men du madt uyst tro, adt ieg uylle redt gerne uere dyg tyl oers, for ieg hade uel adt talle, bade med myn morbroder oc dyg, som ieg yk pa den tyd kand skryue, men ieg uyl nu lade altyngeste opstaed, tyl gud uyl, uy fyndes. Sa uyl ieg nu yndt forbyde meg ymod dyg, men der som ieg uyste y nager made adt gore det, du konde haue ttenste, ere eller godt af, dae skolie du alle myne dage fynde meg sa ganske guduylyg tyl, som ieg war dyn egen søster, sa sant helpe meg gud. Her med uyl ieg haue dyg, m. a. k. Berette oc myn kere soster, den almetygeste here oc gud befalendes, bade med lyff oc sel oc alt, huys dyg kert er, hand spare oc beuare eder lenge oc uel oc vnde wos adt fyndes sund oc helbred y guds frykt, ynaer det er guds gude wylle. Bed[er ieg] dyg gerne, adt du uylt syge myn morbroder oc dyne jomfruuere mange gude netter pa myne uegen. Ex Korsøer sante Loye dag 1509.
Pernelle Oxs.

M. a. k. Berette oc kere soster, sender ieg Krestoefer oc dyg toe breue, som myn soster Ynger har skreued eder tyl, ieg skolie uel had send eder dem, for nu har ieg altyd achte, adt y skolie had komed hyd med det forste. Gud hand uere nu altyd [mett dyg], m. a. k. Berete.

Wednesday, November 18, 2020

Karen Eilersdatter Bølle's letter to Birgitte Bølle, dated April 8, 1569

Source:


Mynn gannsche vennlig, kerlliig helsenn nu oc altiid forsenndtt mett vor herre. Kiere Biirgite oc Kiirstiin, mynn gode slegtt oc byrd, ieg betacker ether gannske gerne for alltt got, som y mig y mange mode giordtt oc beuiiste haffuer, huilcked ieg altiid gierne forschylle viil mett altt hues ieg ved, y kand vere thieiint mett. Kiere slegtt oc byrdtt, som y schriffuer mig thil, att ethers hos bonnder hade begeriith thed breff, som ieg hade aff ethers sallige fader, oc y icke thed motte bekome, saa hade ieg same breff mett mig same thiid y Køffunghaffnn, oc ther som y hade viilld ladett mig bekome min kiede, tha skulle y vel hade faatth min salig farbroders breff igenn, før kunde y vel tennke, att ieg icke kunde slippe thed. Som y schriffuer, att ther som y hade kund bekomiid ether saleg faers breff oc genuegtt, tha skulle ieg lennge siin had faed min kiede, saa ved y vel selff, att ieg haffuer tiith oc offthe esked hiinde mett godemend, som ieg viil gøre beuiszeligtt, men thed ieg haffuer thøffuith lennge, ther bør mig ingen vtack for. Men for thenne tiidz leylighedz skyld, som nu eet aar iiij eller v begeffutt haffuer, har ieg icke viill besueriid ether ther mett, menn nu beder ieg ether gierne, att ieg motte nu bekome mith medtt saa god enn viillj, som ieg hinde vdlonith haffuer. Oc ther som ieg icke hade giord thed for ethers skyld, tha hade ieg vel kund søgtt min rett oc bekomiit hiinde lennge siidenn. Kiere Birgitte oc Kerstiin, som y schriffuer, att ieg viille tage guld for same kiede, saa beger ieg inthed guld, vdenn min kede igenn, eptherdj myn saleg hosbonnde gaff mig hiinde. Kiere slegtt oc byrd, betenncker ether nu her iblannd, att ieg kand bekome mitt vdenn thrette, thj gud skal vere mith vinde ther thil, att thed skal vere mig høygelig imod, om saa skall ske, oc forser mig, att y icke nu lennger min skade begerriindis for minn gode viillj, oc betencke, huod ether selff gott kunde gøre, om ether hende sligtt. Kiere fruer, i alle the mode ieg kannd vere ether thiill viillj oc gode, skal y altiid finde mig for ethers gode slegtt oc byrdtt, ther gierne viil gørre, hues ether thil vilj oc kertt kannd vere. Oc vil her medtt nu oc altid haffue ether gud almegtigste befallindis. Beder ether gerne, y viille siige Chrestopher mange m gode nether paa mine vegene. Ex Hellerup langfredag ano 1569.
Karenn Bøller.

Poem in the Man'yōshū (MYS II: 153) by Dowager Empress Yamato Hime no Ōkimi, written in the 7th century

Source:

http://www.wakapoetry.net/mys-ii-153/

Yamato Hime no Ōkimi (倭姫王) was a poet and Empress of Japan, as the wife of her paternal uncle Emperor Tenji. She was a granddaughter of Emperor Jomei (舒明天皇) and Soga no Hote-no-iratsume (蘇我法提郎女), through their son Prince Furuhito-no-Ōe (古人大兄皇子).

Her poetry is collected in the Man'yōshū (万葉集), the oldest existing collection of Japanese poetry believed to have been collected by Ōtomo no Yakamochi (大伴 家持). After the death of her husband in 671, she wrote a song of mourning about him.

The poem:

鯨魚取り 近江の海を 沖放けて 漕ぎ来る船 辺付きて 漕ぎ来る船 沖つ櫂 いたくな撥ねそ 辺つ櫂 いたくな撥ねそ 若草の 夫の 思ふ鳥立つ

Romaji:

isana tori
opomi no umi wo
oki sakete
kogikitaru pune
pe tu kite
kogikuru pune
oki tu kai
itaku na pane so
pe tu kai
itaku na pane so
wakakusa no
tuma no
omopu tori tatu

English translation:

In the whale-hunting
Sea of Ōmi
From far off in the offing
Boats come rowing;
Nearing the shore,
Boats come rowing;
Off in the offing, oars
Beat not so hard!
By the shore, oars
Beat not so hard!
A fresh blade of grass –
My husband's
Beloved birds you'll start to flight!

The Elder Maiden of Ishikawa's poem (MYS II: 128) for Ōtomo no Sukune, Tanushi, written in the 7th century

Source:

http://www.wakapoetry.net/mys-ii-128/

This poem was presented by the Elder Maiden of Ishikawa to Chūrō, when she visited him on hearing that his legs were troubling him.

The poem:

我が聞きし耳によく似る葦の末の足やむ我が背つとめ給ぶべし

Romaji:

wa ga kikisi
mimi ni yoku niru
asi no ure no
asi yamu wa ga se
tutometabubesi

English translation:

As I have heard
So it does seem to be:
As the reed tips
Pierce your legs, my darling,
Get well soon!

"Speeding Chariot", a poem by Lady Xu Mu, written 7th century B.C.

Source:


Lady Xu Mu (Chinese: 許穆夫人; fl. 7th century BC) was a princess of the State of Wey who married Duke Mu of Xu (許穆公; Xu Mu Gong), the ruler of the State of Xǔ. She was the first recorded female poet in Chinese history.

A princess of the Wey state with the clan name Ji, she was the daughter of Wan, Count Zhao of Wey (son of Duke Xuan of Wey) and his wife Xuan Jiang, a daughter of Duke Xi of Qi. Xuan Jiang was the sister of Wen Jiang, and the two sisters were renowned beauties. She married Duke Mu of Xu and became known as Lady Xu Mu or sometimes the Duchess of Xu.

When Wey was invaded in 660 B.C. by the Northern Di barbarians, she tried to return to her home state and call for help from other states on the way. However, courtiers from Xu caught up with her and forced her to return to Xu. Nevertheless, her appeals for aid succeeded, and the state of Qi saved Wey from its crisis. The Wey people remembered her for bringing supplies, getting military aid and rebuilding the state.

According to Zuo zhuan, she composed the poem "Speeding Chariot" (載馳; Zaichi) expressing her profound anxiety about her native state of Wey being destroyed by the Di. The poem is collected in the Classic of Poetry. Two other poems in the collection, "Bamboo Pole" (竹竿) and "Spring Water" (泉水), have also been attributed to her, although it is not certain if all three poems were actually written by her.

The poem:

载驰载驱,归唁衛侯。
驱马悠悠,言至于漕。
大夫跋涉,我心则忧。
既不我嘉,不能旋反。
视尔不臧,我思不远。
既不我嘉,不能旋济。
视尔不臧,我思不閟。
陟彼阿丘,言采其虻。
女子善怀,亦各有行。
许人尤之,众穉且狂。
我行其野,芃芃其麦。
控于大邦,谁因谁极。
大夫君子,无我有尤。
百尔所思,不如我所之

Romanisation (in reconstructed Old Chinese):

zlɯːs l'al zlɯːs kʰo, klul ŋrans ɢʷads ɡoː.
kʰo mraːʔ lɯw lɯw, ŋan tjiɡs qa zluː.
daːds pa boːd djeb, ŋaːlʔ slɯm ʔsɯːɡ qu.
kɯds pɯ ŋaːlʔ kraːl, pɯ' nɯːŋ sɢʷan panʔ.
ɡljilʔ njelʔ pɯ ʔsaːŋ, ŋaːlʔ snɯs pɯ ɢʷanʔ.
kɯds pɯ ŋaːlʔ kraːl, pɯ' nɯːŋ sɢʷan ʔsliːls.
ɡljilʔ njelʔ pɯ ʔsaːŋ, ŋaːlʔ snɯ pɯʔ priɡs.
tɯɡ pralʔ qaːl kʰʷɯ, ŋan sʰɯːʔ ɡɯ mraːŋ.
naʔ tɯɡ qaːl ɡruːl, laːɡ klaːɡ ɢʷɯʔ ɡraːŋ.
hŋaʔ njin ɢʷɯ tjɯ, tjuŋs l'ils sʰjaːʔ ɡʷaŋ.
ŋaːlʔ ɡraːŋ ɡɯ laːʔ, boːŋ boːŋ ɡɯ mrɯːɡ.
kʰoːŋs ɢʷa daːds proːŋ, djul qin djul ɡab.
daːds pa klun ʔslɯʔ, ma ŋaːlʔ ɢʷɯʔ ɢʷɯ.
praːɡ njelʔ sqʰraʔ snɯs, pɯ nja ŋaːlʔ sqʰraʔ tjɯ

Romanisation (modernised):

Zài chí zài qū, guī yàn wèi hóu.
Qū mǎ yōuyōu, yán zhìyú cáo.
Dàfū báshè, wǒ xīn zé yōu.
Jì bù wǒ jiā, bùnéng xuán fǎn.
Shì ěr bù zāng, wǒ sī bù yuǎn.
Jì bù wǒ jiā, bùnéng xuán jì.
Shì ěr bù zāng, wǒ sī bù bì.
Zhì bǐ ā qiū, yán cǎi qí méng.
Nǚzǐ shàn huái, yì gè yǒu xíng.
Xǔrényóu zhī, zhòng zhì qiě kuáng.
Wǒ xíng qí yě, péng péng qí mài.
Kòng yú dà bāng, shéi yīn shéi jí.
Dàfū jūnzǐ, wú wǒ yǒu yóu.
Bǎi ěr suǒ sī, bùrú wǒ suǒ zhī

English translation (grammar corrected by me):

Go fast chariots! Cause I'm going back to where the ruler of Wei lives to console him.
The horse keeps wandering, and when will I reach Zhao?
The daifus went wandering, but my heart is filled with worries.
There's no person that thinks I'm good, yet I cannot go back.
The person doesn't think very much of me, but my thoughts haven't changed.
You don't think of me as good, but my thoughts for you would not cease.
I'll climb up those hills and collect plants.
A woman has lot of thoughts, and they all go their own ways.
The people of Xu worry about me, yet they are childish and mad!
I went out in the wilderness and noticed the wheat not reaped.
I try to report it to the big countries, yet who should I tell by whom?
To all the high officials, don't say I worry.
I have so many thoughts, but it isn't anything compared to where I try to go.

Notes: Daifus = high officials.

She collected plants to make medicine to soothe her anxieties.

The wheat was not reaped because of the political situation.

Consort Yu's death song, year 202 B.C.

Source:



Above: Consort Yu.

Consort Yu (died 202 B.C.), also known as "Yu the Beauty", was the wife of the warlord Xiang Yu, who competed with Liu Bang (Emperor Gao), the founder of the Han dynasty, for supremacy over China in the Chu–Han Contention (206-202 BC).

This verse was sung by Consort Yu after Xiang Yu sang the Song of Gaixia. She committed suicide with Xiang Yu's sword after singing.

The poem:

漢兵已略地,
四面楚歌聲。
大王義氣盡,
賤妾何聊生。

Romanisation (in reconstructed Old Chinese):

hnaːns praŋ lɯʔ ɡ·raɡ l'els, hljids mens sŋ̊ʰraʔ kaːl sreŋs.
daːds  ɢʷaŋ ŋrals kʰɯds zlinʔ, zlens sʰeb ɡaːl m·rɯːw sreŋs.

Romanisation (modern):

Hàn bīng yǐ lüè dì, sìmiànchǔgē shēng.
Dàwáng yìqì jǐn, jiàn qiè hé liáo shēng.

English translation:

The Han army has conquered our land;
Surrounded with the singing of Chu;
My lord's spirits are low;
Why then should I live?

Claudia Severa's letter to Sulpicia Lepidina, dated September 11, 100

Source:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Claudia_Severa

Claudia Severa (born 11 September in first century, fl. 97 to 105) was a literate Roman woman, the wife of Aelius Brocchus, commander of an unidentified fort near Vindolanda fort in northern England. She is known for a birthday invitation she sent around 100 AD to Sulpicia Lepidina, wife of Flavius Cerialis, commander at Vindolanda. This invitation, written in ink on a thin wooden tablet, was discovered in the 1970s and is probably the best-known item of the Vindolanda Tablets.

The letter:

Cl. Severá Lepidinae [suae] [sa]l[u]tem
iii Idus Septembres soror ad diem
sollemnem natalem meum rogó
libenter faciás ut venias
ad nos iucundiorem mihi
[diem] interventú tuo facturá si
aderis
Cerial[em t]uum salutá Aelius meus [...]
et filiolus salutant
sperabo te soror
vale soror anima
mea ita valeam
karissima et have

English translation:

Claudia Severa to her Lepidina greetings.
On 11 September, sister, for the day of the celebration of my birthday, I give you a warm invitation to make sure that you come to us, to make the day more enjoyable for me by your arrival, if you are present. Give my greetings to your Cerialis. My Aelius and my little son send him their greetings.
I shall expect you, sister. Farewell, sister, my dearest soul, as I hope to prosper, and hail.
To Sulpicia Lepidina, (wife) of Cerialis, from Cl. Severa.

Poem by Sarah of Yemen, written in the 6th century

Source:

Quoted by Emily Taitz, Sondra Henry, and Cheryl Tallan, 'Sarah of Yemen', in The JPS Guide to Jewish Women: 600 B.C.E. to 1900 C.E. (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society, 2003), p. 59., via:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sarah_of_Yemen

The poem:

بنفسي أُمّةٌ لم تُفْنِ شبِأً * بذي حُرُضٍ تَعقّبُها الرِياحُ
كُهولٌ من قُرَيْظةَ اتلفتْها * سيوفُ الخَزْرَجيِّة والرماح
رُزدنا والرزيئةُ ذاتُ ثِقْلٍ * بَمُرّ لاملِها املاءُ القَراح
ولو أَربوا بامرهمِ لجالت * هنالك دونهم جَأوا رَداح

Romanised transliteration:

binfsi 'ummt lm tufn shbiaan
badhi hurud taeqqbuha alriah kuhwl min qurayzt atlftha
sywf alkhazrajyit walramah ruzdna walrzyyt dhat thiql
bamur lamliha amla' alqarah walaw 'arbu bamrhm lijalat
hnalk dunihim jau radah

English translation:

By my life, there is a people not long in Du Ḥurud, obliterated by the wind.
Men of Qurayza destroyed by Khazraji swords and lances,
We have lost, and our loss is so grave, it embitters for its people the pure water.
And had they been foreseeing, a teeming host would have reached there before them.

Poem about the battle of Uchbad in 737, written by Samthann in the 8th century

Source:

Annals of Tigernach



Above: Samthann.

Samthann (modernised spelling Samhthann), is an Irish folk saint, purportedly a Christian nun and abbess in Early Christian Ireland. She is one of only four female Irish saints for whom Latin Lives exist. She died on 19 December 739.

The poem:

Madh con-ríset in da Aedh
bidh mor-saeth a n-ergairi,
madadh codhal dam-sa is saeth
Aed la h-Aedh mac Fergaili.
O cath Uchbadh co n-aine
a mbith truchlum fer Fene,
ni fuil fo grein gil ganmigh
sil nach Laighnigh a n-Eri.
Nái mile do-rochratar
i cath Uchbadh co n-deni
do slogh Galian ger gart-glan,
mor in martgal fer Féine.

"Sendibítr", a poem by Jórunn skáldmær, written in the early 10th century

Source:


Jórunn skáldmær ("poet-maiden") was a Norwegian skald active in the first half of the 10th century. Only two stanzas and three half-stanzas of her Sendibítr ("Biting message") were preserved, mostly in Snorri Sturluson's works, such as Saga of Harald Fairhair and Skáldskaparmál. The Sendibítr, which deals with a conflict between Harald Fairhair and his son Halfdan the Black, is the longest recorded skaldic poem composed by a woman.

The poem:

1. Bragningr réð í blóði,
beið herr konungs reiði,
(hús lutu) opt (fyr eisum)
óþjóðar slög rjóða.

2. Haralds frák Halfdan spyrja
herðibrögð, en lögðis
sýnisk svartleitr reyni
sjá bragr, ens hárfagra.

3. Þvít ríkr konungr rekka,
reyr undlagar dreyra
morðs þás merkja þorðu
magnendr, bjósk at fagna.

4. Hvar vitu einka örvir
örveðrs frama görvan
tinglrýröndum tungla
tveir jöfrar vegmeira?,
an geðharðir gerðu
golls landrekar þollum
(upp angr of hófsk yngva)
óblinds fyr lof Sindra.

5. Hróðr vann hringa stríðir
Haralds framm kveðinn ramman;
Gotþormr hlaut af gæti
góð laun kveðins óðar;
raunframra brá rimmu
runnr skjöldunga gunnar;
áðr bjósk herr til hjörva
hreggs döglinga tveggja.

Matilda of Tuscany's letter donating land to the cathedral of Pisa, year 1063

Source:

https://epistolae.ctl.columbia.edu/letter/26122.html


Above: Matilda of Tuscany as shown in the 15th century Nuremberg Chronicle.

Matilda of Tuscany (born 1046, died July 24, 1115) was a powerful feudal Margravine of Tuscany, ruler in northern Italy and the chief Italian supporter of Pope Gregory VII during the Investiture Controversy; in addition, she was one of the few medieval women to be remembered for her military accomplishments, thanks to which she was able to dominate all the territories north of the Papal States.

In 1076 she came into possession of a substantial territory that included present-day Lombardy, Emilia, the Romagna and Tuscany, and made the castle of Canossa, in the Apennines south of Reggio, the centre of her domains. Between 6 and 11 May 1111 she was crowned Imperial Vicar and Vice-Queen of Italy by Henry V, Holy Roman Emperor at the Castle of Bianello (Quattro Castella, Reggio Emilia).

Sometimes called la Gran Contessa ("the Great Countess") or Matilda of Canossa after her ancestral castle of Canossa, Matilda was one of the most important figures of the Italian Middle Ages. She lived in a period of constant battles, intrigues and excommunications, and was able to demonstrate an extraordinary force, even enduring great pain and humiliation, showing an innate leadership ability.

The letter:

In nomine sancte et individue trinitatis.  Anno ab incarnatione domini millesimo CI, indictione VIII.  M(atilda) dei gratia, si quid est.  Dum ad dei honorem eiusque pie genitricis Mariae gloriosum triumphum Pisane ecclesie curam quondam cum nostris [fidelibus hab]eremus eiusque domum miris tabularum lapideis ornamentis incoeptam, qualiter ad effectum perducere dignis possemus auxiliis, sedula mentis intentione animo cotidie volveremus, tam pro nostra quam matris nostre ibi quiescentis anima concessimus illius ecclesie ad operam perficiendam vel ad aliquam restaurationem post peractum opus forte [8-9 letters missing] faciendam campum iuris marchie iuxta palatium situm, cuius caput a meridie in Arnum fluvium terminatur, secundum latus ab oriente strata intercurrens terminat, tercium vero terra Baruncelli, quartum autem terra marchie, eo videlicet modo, ut campus debeat habitari et habitantium pensio et alicuius honoris [red]ditio ad opus fabrice construendum vel restaurandum debeat similiter annue persolvi et dari.  De quo nullam aliam nostro iuri potestatem servavimus, nisi, cum forte autore deo Pisam devenerimus, ibi sine damno vel aliqua habitantium oppressione nobis et nostris hospicium habeamus; ita tamen ut, si aliquis in alios, quam supra concessimus, usus vel per foeodum aut per scriptum vel commutationem sive aliquod pactum usurpare vel alienare ab opera vel restauratione ecclesie presumpserit, predictum nostre concessionis campum in nostrum ius et marchie proprietatem redeat.   Rogamus igitur atque precipimus, ut nullus dux, marchio, comes, vicecomes, gastaldio, nulla etiam parva vel magna persona ecclesiam de hac concessione audeant ulterius molestare vel minuere.  Si quis autem, quod absit, hanc nostre concessionis paginam infringere aut in aliquo temerare temptaverit, centum librarum argenti poenam componat, medietatem predicte ecclesie, medietatem camere nostre, hoc tamen scripto in suo semper robore permanente.  Quod, ut verius credatur et futuris temporibus ab omnibus firmius habeatur, propria nostre manus subscriptione firmavimus.
+ Matilda dei gratia, si quid est, subscripsi.
Ego F[ru]gerius capellanus iussu eiusdem do(mi)ne hanc concessionis paginam scripsi sub testimonio bonorum virorum tam Longobardie quam Tuscie:  Arduini, Gotefredi, Raginerii et Girardi vicecomitis et Vgonis Gandulfi filii.

English translation:

In the name of the holy and individual trinity.  In the onethousand onehundredth year from the incarnation of the lord, indiction 8. M[atilda], what she is by the grace of God.  While to the honor of God and of his pious mother Mary we formerly with our faithful had the care of the glorious triumph of the Pisan church and its duomo, begun with wondrous ornaments of stone (copings/mosaics?), we would turn daily  in spirit with persistent intent of mind to how we might bring it about with worthy help, we granted, as much for our as for our mother’s soul resting there to complete the work of that church or some restoration perhaps after the work is done [8-9 letters missing], a field in the jurisdiction of the march next to the palace, whose head is bound in the south by the river Arno, a second side running from the highway to the east, a third the land of Baruncellus, the fourth the land of the march, in such a way that the field should be inhabited and the pension of the inhabitants and the payment of any honor ought similarly be paid and given to the construction or restoration work of the building.  Over which we have reserved no other power in our right than when we happen to come to Pisa, without harm or any  oppression of the inhabitants we might have hospitality there for us and our people; so that if anyone should presume to usurp or alienate the use from the work or restoration of the church to others than we have granted above by fief/fee or by writing or exchange or any pact, said field of our grant would revert to our jurisdiction and property of the march.  Therefore we ask and we order that no one, duke, marquis, count, viscount, provost, and no small or great person should dare to harm or diminish the church further from this grant.  If anyone, however, God forbid, should boldly attempt to break this document of our grant, he would pay the penalty of one hundred pounds of silver, half to said church, half to our chamber, and this writing would remain in force always.  Which, that it may be believed more truly and held more firmly in future times by all, we have signed with the subscription of our own hand.
+ Matilda by the grace of God, what she is, I have subscribed.
I, Frugerius, chaplain by the order of this lady wrote the document of this grant under the witness of good men of Lombardy as well as Tuscany:  Arduin, Godfrey, Raginer, and Gerard, viscounts, and Hugo son of Gandulf.

Empress Agnes of Poitiers' letter to Albert, abbot of Fruttuaria, and the convent, dated April 1062

Source:



Above: Agnes of Poitiers.

Agnes of Poitou, also called Agnes of Aquitaine or Empress Agnes (born circa 1025, died December 14, 1077), a member of the House of Poitiers, was German queen from 1043 and Holy Roman Empress from 1046 until 1056. From 1056 to 1061 she acted as Regent of the Holy Roman Empire during the minority of her son Henry IV.

"The situation that led to this letter, according to Struve, was Agnes’s appointment of the anti-pope Cadalus of Parma; Agnes made the appointment on the advice of imperial counsellors in October 1061, after the duly elected pope, Anselm of Lucca (Alexander II) was enthroned without waiting for imperial assent."

The letter:

A[gnes] imperatrix et peccatrix A[lberto] patri bono et fratribus in Fructuaria congregatis in nomine Domini seruitutem "ancillae," cuius "oculi in manibus dominae suae" sunt.
Conscientia mea terret me peius omni larua omnique imagine; ideo fugio per sanctorum loca, quaerens latibulum a facie timoris huius. Nec minimum desiderium est mihi ueniendi ad uos, de quibus comperi, quia uestra intercessio certa salus est. Sed nostrae profectiones in manu Dei sunt et non in nostra uoluntate. Interim uero mente adoro ad pedes uestros, rogans, ut Gregoriana pietate in Traianum petatis mihi ueniam a Domino: quia namque ille unus homo ab inferni claustris exorauit paganum, multi uos facile saluabitis christianam unam. Quodsi decreueritis, peto, ut in signum pietatis societatem et fraternitatem uestram mandetis et mittatis mihi quam primum.

Rogo etiam, ut paruum, quod mitto, munusculum admonitionis signum suscipere dignemini, quatenus credam, quia de me curare inceperitis. Valete; et tu, pater bone, diligenter commenda me spiritalioribus fratribus de coenobiis atque cellis, ut faciant me participem in orationibus et ieiuniis atque omnibus benefactis suis.

English translation:

Agnes, empress and sinner to Albert, good father, and his brothers congregated in Fruttuaria in the name of the Lord, the service of his handmaid, whose eyes are to the hands of his lady [Ps.122:2].
My conscience terrifies me worse with every ghost and every image. So I flee to the places of the saints, seeking a hiding place from the face of this fear. My desire to come to you is not small, about whom I have learned that your intercession is certain salvation. But our travels are in the hand of God not in our will. Meanwhile, I entreat you truly with my mind at your feet, asking that with the piety Gregory showed Trajan you ask mercy for me from the Lord; for that one man prayed a pagan out of the prison of Hell, so you many will easily save one Christian woman. If you resolve this, I ask that in a sign of piety you charge your society and fraternity and send to me as soon as possible.

I also ask that you deign to take as a sign of [your] admonition the very little gift I am sending, so that I may believe that you are beginning to care for me. Fare well and you, good father, diligently commend me to the spiritual brothers of the monasteries and cells, so they make me a participant in their prayers and fasts and all their good deeds/benefactions.

Eleanor of Aquitaine's letter to Pope Celestine, year 1192

Sources:

https://epistolae.ctl.columbia.edu/letter/141.html

Letters of royal and illustrious ladies of Great Britain, from the commencement of the twelfth century to the close of the reign of Queen Mary, volume 1, edited by Mary Anne Everett Wood, H. Colburn, London, 1846



Above: Eleanor of Aquitaine.

Eleanor of Aquitaine (born 1122, died April 1, 1204) was queen consort of France from 1137 to 1152 and of England from 1154 to 1189, and duchess of Aquitaine in her own right from 1137 to 1204. As the heir of the House of Poitiers, rulers in southwestern France, she was one of the wealthiest and most powerful women in western Europe during the High Middle Ages. She was patron of literary figures such as Wace, Benoît de Sainte-Maure, and Bernart de Ventadorn. She led armies several times in her life and was a leader of the Second Crusade.

As the duchess of Aquitaine, Eleanor was the most eligible bride in Europe. Three months after becoming duchess upon the death of her father, William X, she married King Louis VII of France, son of her guardian, King Louis VI. As queen of France, she participated in the unsuccessful Second Crusade. Soon afterwards, Eleanor sought an annulment of her marriage, but her request was rejected by Pope Eugene III. However, after the birth of her second daughter Alix, Louis agreed to an annulment, as 15 years of marriage had not produced a son. The marriage was annulled on 21 March 1152 on the grounds of consanguinity within the fourth degree. Their daughters were declared legitimate, custody was awarded to Louis, and Eleanor's lands were restored to her.

As soon as the annulment was granted, Eleanor became engaged to the Duke of Normandy, who became King Henry II of England in 1154. Henry was her third cousin and 11 years younger. The couple married on Whitsun, 18 May 1152, eight weeks after the annulment of Eleanor's first marriage, in Poitiers Cathedral. Over the next 13 years, she bore eight children: five sons, three of whom became kings; and three daughters. However, Henry and Eleanor eventually became estranged. Henry imprisoned her in 1173 for supporting their son Henry's revolt against him. She was not released until 6 July 1189, when her husband Henry died and their third son, Richard the Lionheart, ascended the throne.

As queen dowager, Eleanor acted as regent while Richard went on the Third Crusade. Eleanor also lived well into the reign of Richard's heir and her youngest son, John.

Eleanor wrote this letter to Pope Celestine in around 1192, urging the liberation of her son Richard the Lionheart from the cruel captivity in which he was detained by the emperor Henry VI.

The letter:

Reverendo Patri, et domino Coelestino Dei gratia summo pontifici A. misera, et utinam miserabilis Anglorum regina, ducissa Normanniae, comitissa Andegaviae, miserae matri exhibere se misericordiae patrem.
Invidente locorum distantia prohibeor, beatissime papa, vobis praesentialiter loqui; necesse tamen est, ut plangam paululum dolorem meum. Et quis mihi tribuat ut scribantur sermones mei? Tota interius et exterius anxior: unde et verba mea dolore sunt plena. "Feris sunt timores, intus pugnae" (II Cor. VII); nec ad momentum mihi respirare liberum est "a tribulatione malorum et dolore" (Psal. CVI), "a tribulationibus, quae invenerunt nos nimis" (Psal. XLV) Tota dolore contabui, pellique meae consumptis carnibus adhaesit os meum (Psal. CI). "Defecerunt anni mei in gemitibus" (Psal. XXX), et utinam omnino deficiant. Utinam totus sanguis corporis mei jam emortui, cerebrum capitis, ossiumque medullae ita dissolvantur in lacrymas, ut in fletus tota pereffluam. Avulsa sunt a me viscera mea, baculum senectutis meae, "et lumen oculorum meorum" perdidi (Psal. XXXVII), meisque votis accederet, si Deus infelices oculos meos ne mala gentis meae ulterius videant, perpetua caecitate damnaret. "Quis det mihi ut pro te moriar, fili mi?" (II Reg. XVIII.) Matrem tantae miseriae respice misericordiae mater, aut si filius tuus fons misericordiae inexhaustus, peccata matris requirit a filio, ab ea quae sola deliquit, totum exigat, puniat impiam, et de poenis innocentis non rideat. "Qui coepit, ipse me conterat, tollat manum suam, et succidat me: et haec sit consolatio mea, ut affligens me dolore, non parcat" (Job VI).

Ego misera, et nulli miserabilis, cur in hujus detestandae senectutis ignominiam veni, duorum regnorum domina, duorumque regum mater exstiteram: avulsa sunt a me viscera mea; "generatio mea ablata est, et revoluta est a me" (Isa. XXXVIII). Rex junior et comes Britanniae in pulvere dormiunt, et eorum mater infelicissima vivere cogitur, ut irremediabiliter de mortuorum memoria torqueatur. Duo filii mihi supererant ad solatium, qui hodie mihi miserae et damnatae supersunt ad supplicium. Rex Ricardus tenetur in vinculis. Joannes frater ipsius regnum captivi depopulatur ferro, et vastat incendiis. "In omnibus versus est mihi Dominus in crudelem, et adversatur mihi in duritia manus suae" (Job XXX). Vere pugnat ira ejus contra me; ideo et filii mei pugnant inter se; si tamen pugna est, ubi unus vinculis arctatus affligitur; alius addens dolorem super dolorem ipsius crudeli tyrannide sibi regnum exsulis usurpare molitur. Bone Jesu, quis mihi tribuat, ut in inferno protegas me, et abscondas me, donec pertranseat furor tuus (Isa. XXVI), donec cessent sagittae, quae in me sunt, quarum indignatione spiritus meus totus ebibitur. Mors in voto mihi est, et vita in taedio, et cum sic moriar incessanter, in desideriis tamen habeo mori plenius; vivere compellor invita, ut vita mihi sit pabulum mortis et materia cruciatus. O felices, qui inexperti ludibria vitae hujus, et inopinatos eventus conditionis incertae beato praevenerunt aborsu! Quid facio? cur subsisto? quare moror misera, et non vado ut videam "quem diligit anima mea" (Cant. III), "vinctum in mendicitate et ferro?" (Psal. CVI.) utquid enim tanto tempore mater potuit oblivisci filii uteri sui? Tigrides erga fetus suos, et lamias etiam saeviores emollit affectio. Fluctuo tamen in dubio. Si enim abiero, deserens filii mei regnum, quod undique gravi hostilitate vastatur, erit in absentia mea omni consilio et solatio destitutum. Si autem substitero, desideratissimam mihi faciem filii mei non videbo. Non erit, qui liberationem filii mei studiose procuret, et, quod magis vereor, ad impossibilem pecuniae quantitatem delicatissimus adolescens tormentis urgebitur, tantaeque afflictionis impatiens facile in mortem suppliciis adigetur. O impie, crudelis et dire tyranne, qui non es veritus manus sacrilegas immittere in christum Domini, nec te regalis unctio, nec sanctae viae reverentia, nec Dei timor a tanta inhumanitate cohibuit! Porro princeps apostolorum adhuc in apostolica sede regnat et imperat, et in medio constitutus est judiciarius rigor; illudque restat, ut exeratis in maleficos, Pater, gladium Petri, quem ad hoc constituit super gentes et regna. Christi crux antecessit Caesaris aquilas, gladius Petri gladio Constantini, et apostolica sedes praejudicat imperatoriae potestati. Vestra potestas a Deo est, an ab hominibus? Nonne Deus deorum locutus est vobis in Petro apostolo dicens: "Quodcunque ligaveris super terram, erit ligatum et in coelis; et quodcunque solveris super terram, erit solutum et in coelis?" (Matth. XVI.) Quare ergo tanto tempore tam negligenter, imo tam crudeliter filium meum solvere differtis, aut potius non audetis? Sed dicetis hanc potestatem vobis in animabus, non in corporibus fuisse commissam. Esto: certe sufficit nobis, si eorum ligaveritis animas, qui filium meum ligatum in carcere tenent; filium meum solvere, vobis in expedito est, dummodo humanum timorem Dei timor evacuet.

Redde igitur mihi filium meum, vir Dei, si tamen vir Dei es, et non potius vir sanguinum, si in filii mei liberatione torpeas, ut sanguinem ejus de manu tua requirat Altissimus (Gen. IX). Heu, heu, si summus pastor in mercenarium pervertatur, si a facie lupi fugiat, si commissam sibi oviculam imo arietem electum, ducem Dominici gregis, in faucibus cruentae bestiae derelinquat! Bonus pastor alios pastores instruit, et informat, non ut fugiant, si viderint lupum venientem, sed animas suas pro ovibus suis ponant (Joan. X). Anima tua tibi, quaeso, salva sit, dummodo non dicam ovis tuae sed filii tui liberationem crebris legationibus, salutaribus monitis, comminationum tonitruis, generalibus interdictis, sententiis terribilibus studeas procurare. Sane vero vestram pro eo animam poneretis, qui pro eodem adhuc unum verbum dicere, aut scribere noluistis. Dei Filius, testimonio prophetae, de coelo descendit, ut educeret vinctos de lacu, in quo non erat aqua. Nunquid quod decuit Deum, dedecet Dei servum? Filius meus torquetur in vinculis, nec ad eum descendis, nec mittis, nec moveris super contritione Joseph. Christus hoc videt, et silet; sed opus Dei negligenter agentibus abundanter in summa districtione retribuet (Jer. XLVIII). Legati nobis jam tertio promissi sunt, nec sunt missi: utque verum fatear, ligati potius quam legati. Si filius meus in prosperis ageret, ad simplicem ejus vocationem festinantius accessissent, quia de magnifica ejus munificentia, et de publico regni quaestu suae legationis uberes manipulos exspectarent. Et quis quaestus eis gloriosior esse posset, quam regem liberare captivum, reddere pacem populis, religiosis quietem, et gaudium universis? Nunc autem "filii Ephrem intendentes et mittentes arcum in die belli conversi sunt" (Psal. LXXVII), et in tempore angustiae, dum lupus praedae incubat, canes muti latrare aut non possunt, aut nolunt. Haeccine promissio illa est, quam nobis apud castrum Radulphi cum tanta dilectionis et fidei protestatione fecistis? Quid profuit vobis simplicibus dare verba, et illudere vota innocentium inani fiducia? Sic olim rex Achab foedus amicitiae contraxisse cum Benadab perhibetur, illorumque mutuam dilectionem eventus habuisse infaustos audivimus; pugnas Judae, Joannis, Simonis Machabaeorum fratrum coelestis dispensatio felicibus prosperabat auspiciis; missa vero legatione sibi firmantes amicitiam Romanorum, Dei perdiderunt auxilium, nec eis semel, sed saepius venalis eorum familiaritas versa est in singultum. Solus desperare me cogitis, qui solus post Deum spes mea, populique nostri fiducia fueratis. "Maledictus qui confidit in homine" (Jer. XVII). Ubi est ergo nunc praestolatio mea? tu es, Domine, Deus meus. Ad te, Domine, qui laborem consideras, sunt oculi ancillae tuae. "Tu rex regum et Dominus dominantium" (I Tim. VI), "respice in faciem Christi tui" (Psal. LXXXIII), "da imperium puero tuo, et salvum fac filium ancillae tuae" (Psal. LXXXV), nec in eo punias delicta sui patris, aut malitiam matris suae. Ex certa et publica relatione cognovimus, quod imperator post Legiensis episcopi mortem, quem funesto gladio, longa tamen manu dicitur occidisse, Ostunensem episcopum, et quatuor episcopos comprovinciales ejus, Salernitanum etiam et Tranensem archiepiscopos coarctat miseria carcerali, et quod auctoritas apostolica nullatenus dissimulare debuerat, Siciliam, quam a temporibus Constantini constat esse patrimonium S. Petri, post legationes, post supplicationes, post comminationes apostolicae sedis, in perpetuum Romanae Ecclesiae praejudicium, usurpatione tyrannica occupavit. In omnibus his non est aversus furor ejus, sed adhuc manus ejus extenta. Gravia quidem intulit, sed certissime potestis exspectare in proximo graviora. Hi enim, qui debuerant esse columnae Ecclesiae, in omnes ventos arundinea levitate moventur. Utinam recolerent quod, propter negligentiam Heli sacerdotis ministrantis in Silo, gloria Domini de Israel translata est (I Reg. I); nec jam parabola temporis praeteriti est, sed praesentis; "quia repulit Dominus tabernaculum Silo, tabernaculum suum, ubi habitavit in hominibus, et tradidit in captivitatem virtutem eorum, et pulchritudinem eorum in manus inimici!" (Psal. LXXVII.) Imputatur eorum pusillanimitati, quod Ecclesia conculcatur, periclitatur fides, opprimitur libertas, dolus, patientia et iniquitas impunitate nutritur. Ubi est, quod Dominus Ecclesiae suae quandoque promisit: "Suges lac gentium, et mamilla regum lactaberis; ponam te in superbiam saeculorum, gaudium in generationem et generationem?" (Isa. LX.) Ecclesia olim superborum et sublimium colla propria virtute calcabat, legesque imperatorum sacros canones sequebantur. Nunc autem ordine turbato, non dicam canones, sed canonum conditores pravis legibus, et consuetudinibus exsecrandis arctantur. Detestanda potentum flagitia tolerantur; nec est, qui mutire audeat et in pauperum peccata duntaxat rigor canonicus exercetur. Ideo non immerito Anacharsis philosophus telis aranearum leges et canones comparabat, quae animalia debiliora retinent, fortia autem transmittunt. "Astiterunt reges terrae et principes convenerunt in unum adversus Christum Domini" (Psal. II), filium meum. Unus eum torquet in vinculis; alter terras illius crudeli hostilitate devastat. Et, ut verbo vulgari utar, "unus tondet, alter expilat; unus pedem tenet, alter excoriat." Haec videt summus pontifex, et gladium Petri supprimit in vagina repositum. Sic addit cornua peccatori, ipsaque taciturnitas ejus praesumitur ad consensum. Videtur enim consentire, qui cum possit et deberet non corripit, et dissimulatrix patientia societatis occultae scrupulo non carebit. Imminet, sicut praedixit apostolus, tempus dissensionis, ut perditionis filius reveletur, instantque tempora periculosa (II Tim. III), ut scindatur tunica Christi inconsutilis, ut rumpatur rete Petri, et catholicae unitatis soliditas dissolvatur. Initia malorum sunt haec (Matth. VIII): sentimus gravia, graviora timemus. Nec prophetissa, nec filia sum prophetae; plura tamen de futuris turbationibus dolor dicere suggerebat: sed ipsa verba, quae suggerit, subripit. Spiritum enim singultus intercipit, et animae vires moeror absorbens vocales meatus anxietate praecludit. Vale.

English translation (from source 2):

To the reverend father and lord Celestine, by God's grace highest pontiff, Eleanora the miserable, and I would I could add the commiserated, queen of England, duchess of Normandy, countess of Anjou, entreating him to shew himself a father of mercy to a miserable mother.

I am prevented, O holiest pope, by the great distance which parts us, from addressing you personally; yet I must bewail my grief a little, and who shall assist me to write my words?

I am all anxiety, internally and externally, whence my very words are full of grief. Without are fears, within contentions; nor have I a moment wherein to breathe freely from the tribulation of evils, and the grief occasioned by the troubles which ever find me out. I am all defiled with grief, and my bones cleave to my skin, for my flesh is wasted away. My years pass away in groanings, and I would they were altogether passed away. O that the whole blood of my body would now die, that the brain of my head and the marrow of my bones were so dissolved into tears that I might melt away in weeping! My very bowels are torn away from me; I have lost the light of my eyes, the staff of my old age: and, would God accede to my wishes, he would condemn me to perpetual blindness, that my wretched eyes might no longer behold the woes of my people. Who will grant me the boon of dying for thee, my son? O mother of mercy! look upon a mother so wretched; or if thy Son, the inexhausted fount of mercy, is avenging the sins of the mother on the son, let him exact vengeance from her who has alone sinned: let him punish me, the wicked one, and not amuse himself with the punishment of an innocent person. Let him who hath begun the task, who now bruises me, take away his hand and slay me; and this shall be my consolation, that, afflicting me with grief, he spares me not. O wretched me, yet pitied by none! why have I, the mistress of two kingdoms, the mother of two kings, reached the ignominy of a detested old age?

My bowels are torn away, my very race is destroyed and passing away from me. The young king and the Earl of Bretagne sleep in the dust, and their most unhappy mother is compelled to live that she may be ever tortured with the memory of the dead. Two sons yet survived to my solace, who now survive only to distress me, a miserable and condemned creature: King Richard is detained in bonds, and John, his brother, depopulates the captive's kingdom with the sword, and lays it waste with fire. In all things the Lord is become cruel towards me, and opposes me with a heavy hand. Truly his anger fights against me, when my very sons fight against each other, — if, indeed, that can be called a fight in which one party languishes in bonds, and the other, adding grief to grief, tries by cruel tyranny to usurp the exile's kingdom to himself.

O good Jesus! who will grant me thy protection, and hide me in hell itself till thy fury passes away, and till thy arrows which are in me, by whose vehemence my very spirit is drunk up, shall cease? I long for death, I am weary of life; and though I thus die incessantly, I yet desire to die more fully; I am reluctantly compelled to live, that my life may be the food of death and a means of torture. O happy ye who pass away by a fortunate abortion, without experiencing the waywardness of this life and the unexpected events of an uncertain condition! What do I? why do I remain? why do I, wretched, delay? why do I not go, that I may see him whom my soul loves, bound in beggary and irons? as though, at such a time, a mother could forget the son of her womb! Affection to their young softens tigers, nay, even the fiercer sorceresses.

Yet I fluctuate in doubt: for, if I go away, deserting my son's kingdom, which is laid waste on all sides with fierce hostility, it will in my absence be destitute of all counsel and solace; again, if I stay, I shall not see the face of my son, that face which I so long for. There will be none who will study to procure the liberation of my son, and, what I fear still more, the most delicate youth a will be tormented for an impossible quantity of money, and, impatient of so much affliction, will easily be brought to the agonies of death. Oh, impious, cruel, and dreadful tyrant! who hast not feared to lay sacrilegious hands on the anointed of the Lord! nor has the royal unction, nor the reverence due to a holy life, nor the fear of God, restrained thee from such inhumanity!

Yet the prince of the apostles still rules and reigns in the apostolic seat, and his judicial rigour is set up as a means of resort: this one thing remains, that you, O father, draw against these evil-doers the sword of Peter, which for this purpose is set over people and kingdoms. The cross of Christ excels the eagles of Cæsar, the sword of Peter the sword of Constantine, and the apostolic seat is placed above the imperial power. Is your power of God or of men? Has not the God of gods spoken to you by the Apostle Peter, that "whatsoever you bind on earth shall be bound in heaven, and whatsoever you loose on earth shall be loosed also in heaven?" Wherefore, then, do you so long negligently, nay, cruelly, delay to free my son, or rather do not dare to do it? You will, perhaps, say that this power is given to you over souls, not over bodies: be it so; it will certainly suffice me if you will bind their souls who hold my son bound in prison. It is your province to loose my son, unless the fear of God has given way to human fear. Restore my son to me, then, O man of God, if indeed thou art a man of God and not a man of blood; for know that, if thou art sluggish in the liberation of my son, from thy hand will the Most High require his blood. Alas, alas for us, when the chief shepherd has become a mercenary, when he flies from the face of the wolf, when he leaves the little sheep committed to him, or rather the elect ram, the leader of the Lord's flock, in the jaws of the bloody beast of prey! The good Shepherd instructs and informs other shepherds not to fly when they see the wolf coming, but to lay down their lives for the sheep. Save, therefore, I entreat thee, thine own soul, whilst, by urgent embassies, by salutary advice, by the thunders of excommunication, by general interdicts, by terrible sentences, thou endeavourest to procure the liberation, I will not say of thy sheep merely, but of thy son. Though late, you ought to give your life for him, for whom, as yet, you have refused to write or speak a single word. The Son of God, as testifies the prophet, came down from heaven that he might bring up them that were bound from the pit in which was no water. Now, would not that which was fitting for God to do become the servant of God? My son is tormented in bonds, yet you go not down to him, nor send, nor are moved by the sorrow of Joseph. Christ sees this and is silent; yet at the last there shall be fearful retribution for those who do the work of God negligently. Ambassadors have been promised to us three times, but never sent; so that, to speak the truth, they are bound rather than sent. If my son were in prosperity, they would eagerly hasten at his lightest call, because they would expect rich handfuls for their embassy from his great munificence and the public profit of the kingdom. But what profit could be more glorious to them than to liberate a captive king, to restore peace to the people, quiet to the religious, and joy to all? Now, truly, the sons of Ephraim, who bent and sent forth the bow, have turned round in the day of battle; and in the time of dis tress, when the wolf comes upon the prey, they are dumb dogs who either cannot or will not bark. Is this the promise you made me at the castle of Ralph with such protestations of favour and good faith? What availed it to give words only to my simplicity, and to illude by a fond trust the wishes of the innocent? So, in olden time, was King Ahab forbidden to make alliance with Benhadad, and we have heard the fatal issue of their mutual love. A heavenly providence prospered the wars of Judas, John, and Simon, the Maccabæan brothers, under happy auspices; but when they sent an embassy to secure the friendship of the Romans, they lost the help of God, and, not once alone, but often was their venal intimacy cause of bitter regret. You alone, who were my hope after God, and the trust of my people, force me to despair. Cursed be he who trusteth in man. Where is now my refuge? Thou, O Lord, my God. To thee, O Lord, who considerest my distress, are the eyes of thine handmaid lifted up. Thou, O King of kings and Lord of lords, look upon the face of thine Anointed, give empire to thy Son, and save the son of thine handmaid, nor visit upon him the crimes of his father or the wickedness of his mother!

We know by certain and public relation that the emperor, after the death of the Bishop of Liege (whom he is said to have slain with a fatal sword, though wielded by a remote hand), miserably imprisoned the Bishop of Ostia and four other provincials, the Bishop of Salerno, and the Archbishop of Treves; and the apostolic authority cannot deny that, to the perpetual prejudice of the Roman church, he has, in spite of embassies, supplications, and threats of the apostolic seat, taken possession of Sicily, which from the times of Constantine has been the patrimony of St. Peter. Yet with all this his fury is not yet turned away, but yet is his hand stretched forth. Fearful things he has already done, but worse are still certainly to be expected; for those who ought to be the pillars of the church are swayed with reed-like lightness by every wind. Oh, would they but remember that it was through the negligence of Eli, the priest ministering in Shiloh, that the glory of the Lord passed away from Israel! Nor is that a mere parable of the past, but of the present. For the Lord drove from Shiloh the tabernacle, his tabernacle, where he had dwelt amongst men, and gave their strength into captivity and their beauty into the hands of the enemy.

It is imputed to your pusillanimity that the church is trampled upon, the faith perilled, liberty oppressed, deceit encouraged by patience, iniquity by impunity. Where is the promise of God when he said to his church, "Thou shalt suck the milk of the Gentiles, and shalt suck the breasts of kings?" "I will make thee the pride of ages, and a joy from generation to generation." Once the church, by its own strength, trod upon the necks of the proud and the lofty, and the laws of emperors obeyed the sacred canons. But things are changed, and not only the canons, but the very formers of the canons, are restrained by base laws and execrable customs. The detestable crimes of the powerful are borne with. None dare murmur, and canonical rigour falls on the sins of the poor alone. Therefore, not without reason did Anacharsis the philosopher compare laws and canons to spiders' webs, which retain weaker animals but let the stronger go." The kings of the earth have set themselves, and the rulers have taken counsel together," against my son, the anointed of the Lord. One binds him in chains, another devastates his lands with cruel hostility, or, to use a vulgar phrase, "One clips and another plunders; one holds the foot and another skins it." The highest pontiff sees these things, and yet bids the sword of Peter slumber in its scabbard; so he adds boldness to the sinner, his silence being presumed to indicate consent. He who corrects a not when he can and ought seems even to consent, and his dissimulating patience shall not want the scruple of hidden companionship. The time of dissension predicted by the apostle draws on, when the son of perdition shall be revealed; dangerous times are at hand, when the seamless garment of Christ is cut, the net of Peter is broken, and the solidity of Catholic unity dissolved. These are the beginnings of sorrows. We feel bad things; we fear worse. I am no prophetess, nor the daughter of a prophet, but grief has suggested many things about future disturbances; yet it steals away the very words which it suggests. A sob intercepts my breath, and absorbing grief shuts up by its anxieties the vocal passages of my soul. Farewell.

Jane Austen's letter to Cassandra Austen, dated September 1, 1796

Source:

Letters of Jane Austen, published 1884



Above: Jane Austen.


Above: Cassandra Austen, painted by Fanny Knight.

The letter:

Rowling: Thursday (September 1).
My dearest Cassandra,
The letter which I have this moment received from you has diverted me beyond moderation. I could die of laughter at it, as they used to say at school. You are indeed the finest comic writer of the present age.

Since I wrote last, we have been very near returning to Steventon so early as next week. Such, for a day or two, was our dear brother Henry's scheme, but at present matters are restored, not to what they were, for my absence seems likely to be lengthened still farther. I am sorry for it, but what can I do?

Henry leaves us to-morrow for Yarmouth, as he wishes very much to consult his physician there, on whom he has great reliance. He is better than he was when he first came, though still by no means well. According to his present plan, he will not return here till about the 23rd, and bring with him, if he can, leave of absence for three weeks, as he wants very much to have some shooting at Godmersham, whither Edward and Elizabeth are to remove very early in October. If this scheme holds, I shall hardly be at Steventon before the middle of that month; but if you cannot do without me, I could return, I suppose, with Frank if he ever goes back. He enjoys himself here very much, for he has just learnt to turn, and is so delighted with the employment, that he is at it all day long.

I am sorry that you found such a conciseness in the strains of my first letter. I must endeavour to make you amends for it, when we meet, by some elaborate details, which I shall shortly begin composing.

I have had my new gown made up, and it really makes a very superb surplice. I am sorry to say that my new coloured gown is very much washed out, though I charged everybody to take great care of it. I hope yours is so too. Our men had but indifferent weather for their visit to Godmersham, for it rained great part of the way there and all the way back. They found Mrs. Knight remarkably well and in very good spirits. It is imagined that she will shortly be married again. I have taken little George once in my arms since I have been here, which I thought very kind. I have told Fanny about the bead of her necklace, and she wants very much to know where you found it.

To-morrow I shall be just like Camilla in Mr. Dubster's summer-house; for my Lionel will have taken away the ladder by which I came here, or at least by which I intended to get away, and here I must stay till his return. My situation, however, is somewhat preferable to hers, for I am very happy here, though I should be glad to get home by the end of the month. I have no idea that Miss Pearson will return with me.

What a fine fellow Charles is, to deceive us into writing two letters to him at Cork! I admire his ingenuity extremely, especially as he is so great a gainer by it.

Mr. and Mrs. Cage and Mr. and Mrs. Bridges dined with us yesterday. Fanny seemed as glad to see me as anybody, and enquired very much after you, whom she supposed to be making your wedding-clothes. She is as handsome as ever, and somewhat fatter. We had a very pleasant day, and some liqueurs in the evening. Louisa's figure is very much improved; she is as stout again as she was. Her face, from what I could see of it one evening, appeared not at all altered. She and the gentlemen walked up here on Monday night — she came in the morning with the Cages from Hythe.

Lady Hales, with her two youngest daughters, have been to see us. Caroline is not grown at all coarser than she was, nor Harriet at all more delicate. I am glad to hear so good an account of Mr. Charde, and only fear that my long absence may occasion his relapse. I practise every day as much as I can — I wish it were more for his sake. I have heard nothing of Mary Robinson since I have been [here]. I expect to be well scolded for daring to doubt, whenever the subject is mentioned.

Frank has turned a very nice little butter-churn for Fanny. I do not believe that any of the party were aware of the valuables they had left behind; nor can I hear anything of Anna's gloves. Indeed I have not enquired at all about them hitherto.

We are very busy making Edward's shirts, and I am proud to say that I am the neatest worker of the party. They say that there are a prodigious number of birds hereabouts this year, so that perhaps I may kill a few. I am glad to hear so good an account of my mother's handkerchief, but I dare say I shall find it soon.
I am very affectionately yours,
Jane.

Miss Austen, Steventon, Overton, Hants.

Jane Austen's letter to Cassandra Austen, dated August 1796

Source:

Letters of Jane Austen, published 1884



Above: Jane Austen, painted by James Andrews after Cassandra Austen.


Above: Cassandra Austen, artist unknown.

The letter:

Cork Street: Tuesday morn (August 1796).
My dear Cassandra,
Here I am once more in this scene of dissipation and vice, and I begin already to find my morals corrupted. We reached Staines yesterday, I do not [know] when, without suffering so much from the heat as I had hoped to do. We set off again this morning at seven o'clock, and had a very pleasant drive, as the morning was cloudy and perfectly cool. I came all the way in the chaise from Hertford Bridge.

Edward and Frank are both gone out to seek their fortunes; the latter is to return soon and help us seek ours. The former we shall never see again. We are to be at Astley's to-night, which I am glad of. Edward has heard from Henry this morning. He has not been at the races at all, unless his driving Miss Pearson over to Rowling one day can be so called. We shall find him there on Thursday.

I hope you are all alive after our melancholy parting yesterday, and that you pursued your intended avocation with success. God bless you! I must leave off, for we are going out.
Yours very affectionately,
J. Austen.

Everybody's love.