Friday, August 28, 2020

Letter to the deceased Eung-Tae Lee from his grieving wife, dated June 1, 1586

Sources:





This letter was found in 1998 in the tomb of 30 year old Eung-Tae Lee, a member of the Goseong Yi clan who died suddenly in 1586, leaving behind a devastated — and pregnant — wife. They had even already decided on a name for the baby, as the letter is addressed to "Won's father". The young widow's name has been lost to history, but because of her great devotion to her husband, I will call her Sarang, which means "love" in Korean. She would surely appreciate that. They lived in or near what is now Andong in the Gyeongsangbuk-do Province of South Korea during the era of the Joseon dynasty.

While Eung-Tae struggled through his illness, Sarang made a pair of traditional mituri sandals as a get-well present for him, sewn from hemp fabric and strands of her own hair; and she never stopped hoping even when the end was obvious and inevitable. When he died, Sarang was horrified at the very idea of him never being able to wear his new mituri, so she had them placed with him in his tomb, wanting him to have them anyway.

Before the burial, Sarang poured her heart out to her late husband in this letter, written on June 1 in 1586, which is one of the Years of the Fire Dog (Byeongsul) in the sexagenary cycle. Sarang was angry at Eung-Tae for having left her alone with a baby waiting for him when they were at the height of marital bliss, and she was confused at how he could have died so suddenly and so soon. She was desperately lonely and anxious for herself and the baby, and she reminded her husband about how he promised that they would grow old together. Eung-Tae considered himself and Sarang to be very fortunate and so happy compared to other couples because they were so deeply in love. She wanted to die, just to be able to see him again and stay with him forever. She begged him to read the letter in the afterlife and to visit her in her dreams. One can only imagine what a state Sarang must have been in at the funeral. Did she watch silently as Eung-Tae and his many belongings were placed into the tomb? Although it would not have been considered proper, did she weep openly or shout, did she faint and have to be held up by a friend or relative? We will never know.

The letter was placed in the tomb with Eung-Tae, whose body was found when the city of Andong began moving a centuries-old cemetery to make way for new houses. Because he died at a young age, his death was left unrecorded, as was the custom of the time; and so his grave was eventually left unclaimed while the people around him had descendants to claim them. Sarang's letter to him is one of the oldest examples of Korean writing using the Hangul script. Hangul had been introduced in 1446, and at the time, its original form was called Hunminjeongeum. The letter is written top to bottom, right to left, and when Sarang ran out of space, she had to turn it counterclockwise, as paper was such an expensive commodity in those days. She used no spacing at all and different letters were present. Sarang used the archaic informal second-person pronoun "janae", which is a huge discovery for historical linguistics and the study of Middle Korean since it was known to be used by husbands to their wives, but until the letter's discovery, there were no known examples of wives using the pronoun in addressing their husbands.

This letter, the mituri, and the tiny notes on them are the only remnants of Sarang's life. Her devoted love for her beloved Eung-Tae has inspired two novels, a documentary film, and an opera. The letter is very popular among today's Koreans and Japanese tourists, and a statue of Sarang stands at the grave site.

The letter:

원이 아바님께 샹백

병슐 뉴월 초하룻날 지븨셔

자네 샹해 날다려 닐오듸 둘히 머리 셰도
록 사다가 함께 죽쟈 하시더니 엇디하
야 나랄 두고 자내 몬져 가시난 날하고
자식하며 뉘게 걸하야 엇디하야 살라
하야 다 더디고 자내 몬져 가시난고 자내
날 향회 마아믈 엇디 가지며 난 자내 향
회 마으믈 엇디 가지던고 믜양 자내 다려 내닐오듸
한듸 누어셔 이보소 남도 우리
가티 서로 에엿삐 녀겨 사랑하리 남도
우리 가탄가 하야 자내다려 니라더니 엇디
그런 이를 생각디 아녀 나랄 바리고 몬져
갓난고 자내 여회고 아마려 내 살셰 업사니
수이 자내한듸 가고져하니 날 다려가소
자내 향회 마아믈 차생 니즐준리
없사니 아마래 션운 뜨디 가이없사니
이내 안한 어듸다가 두고 자식다리고
자내를 그려 살려뇨 하노이다
이내 유무 보시고 내 꾸메 자셰와 니라소
내꾸메 이 보신 말 자셰 듣고져 하야
이리 서년뇌 자세보시고 날 다려 니로소
자내 내 밴 자식 나거든 보고 사를 일란고
그리 가시듸 밴자식 나거든 누를
아빠 하라 하시난고 아마려 한들
내 안 가틀가 이런 텬디 가슨 한이리

하늘 아래 또 이실가 자내난 한갓 그리 가 겨실 뿌거니와 아마려 한들 내 안가티
셜운가 그지 그지 가이없서 다 몬서 대강만 뎍뇌 이 유무 자세 보시고
내 꾸메 자셰와 븨고 자셰 니라소 나난 꾸믄 자내 보려 믿고 인뇌이다 몰래 뵈쇼셔

하 그지그지 업서 이만 젹뇌이다

Romanisation:

won-i abanimkke syangbaeg
byeongsyul nyuwol chohalusnal jibuisyeo
jane syanghae naldalyeo nil-odui dulhi meoli syedo
log sadaga hamkke jugjya hasideoni eosdiha
ya nalal dugo janae monjyeo gasinan nalhago
jasighamyeo nwige geolhaya eosdihaya salla
haya da deodigo janae monjyeo gasinango janae
nal hyanghoe maameul eosdi gajimyeo nan janae hyang
hoe ma-eumeul eosdi gajideongo muiyang janae dalyeo naenil-odui
handui nueosyeo iboso namdo uli
gati seolo eyeosppi nyeogyeo salanghali namdo
uli gatanga haya janaedalyeo niladeoni eosdi
geuleon ileul saeng-gagdi anyeo nalal baligo monjyeo
gasnango janae yeohoego amalyeo nae salsye eobsani
su-i janaehandui gagojyeohani nal dalyeogaso
janae hyanghoe maameul chasaeng nijeuljunli
eobs-sani amalae syeon-un tteudi gaieobs-sani
inae anhan eoduidaga dugo jasigdaligo
janaeleul geulyeo sallyeonyo hanoida
inae yumu bosigo nae kkume jasyewa nilaso
naekkume i bosin mal jasye deudgojyeo haya
ili seonyeonnoe jasebosigo nal dalyeo niloso
janae nae baen jasig nageodeun bogo saleul illango
geuli gasidui baenjasig nageodeun nuleul
appa hala hasinango amalyeo handeul
nae an gateulga ileon tyeondi gaseun han-ili

haneul alae tto isilga janaenan hangas geuli ga gyeosil ppugeoniwa amalyeo handeul nae angati
syeol-unga geuji geuji gaieobs-seo da monseo daegangman dyeognoe i yumu jase bosigo
nae kkume jasyewa buigo jasye nilaso. Nanan kkumeun janae bolyeo midgo innoeida. Mollae boesyosyeo.

Ha geujigeuji eobseo iman jyeognoeida.

Modern Korean translation:

원이 아버님께 올림--병술년 유월 초하룻날, 집에서
당신 언제나 나에게 ‘둘이 머리 희어지도록 살다가 함께 죽자’고 하셨지요. 그런데 어찌 나를 두고 당신 먼저 가십니까. 나와 어린 아이는 누구의 말을 듣고 어떻게 살라고 다 버리고 당신 먼저 가십니까. 당신 나에게 마음을 어떻게 가져 왔고 또 나는 당신에게 마음을 어떻게 가져 왔었나요. 함께 누우면 언제나 나는 당신에게 말하곤 했지요. ‘여보, 다른 사람들도 우리처럼 서로 어여삐 여기고 사랑할까요.’ ‘남들도 정말 우리 같을까요.’ 어찌 그런 일들 생각하지도 않고 나를 버리고 먼저 가시는가요. 당신을 여의고는 아무리 해도 나는 살 수 없어요. 빨리 당신께 가고 싶어요. 나를 데려가 주세요. 당신을 향한 마음을 이승에서 잊을 수가 없고 서러운 뜻 한이 없습니다. 내 마음 어디에 두고 자식 데리고 당신을 그리워하며 살 수 있을까 생각합니다. 이 내 편지 보시고 내 꿈에 와서 자세히 말해 주세요. 꿈속에서 당신 말을 자세히 듣고 싶어서 이렇게 써서 넣어드립니다. 자세히 보시고 나에게 말해 주세요. 당신 내 뱃속의 자식 낳으면 보고 말할 것 있다 하고 그렇게 가시니, 뱃속의 자식 낳으면 누구를 아버지라 하라시는 거지요. 아무리 한들 내 마음 같겠습니까. 이런 슬픈 일이 하늘 아래 또 있겠습니까. 당신은 한갓 그곳에 가 계실 뿐이지만 아무리 한들 내 마음같이 서럽겠습니까. 한도 없고 끝도 없어 다 못 쓰고 대강만 적습니다. 이 편지 자세히 보시고 내 꿈에 와서 당신 모습 자세히 보여 주시고 또 말해 주세요. 나는 꿈에는 당신을 볼 수 있다고 믿고 있습니다. 몰래 와서 보여주세요. 하고 싶은 말 끝이 없어 이만 적습니다.

Romanisation of the modernised version (from source 3):

Won-i abeonimkke ollim -- Byeongsulnyeon yuwol chohalusnal, jib-eseo
Dangsin eonjena na-ege "dul-i meoli huieojidolog saldaga hamkke jugja" go hasyeossjiyo. Geuleonde eojji naleul dugo dangsin meonjeo gasibnikka. Nawa eolin aineun nuguui mal-eul deudgo eotteohge sallago da beoligo dangsin meonjeo gasibnikka. Dangsin na-ege ma-eum-eul eotteohge gajyeo wassgo tto naneun dangsin-ege ma-eum-eul eotteohge gajyeo wass-eossnayo. Hamkke nuumyeon eonjena naneun dangsin-ege malhagon haessjiyo. "Yeobo, daleun salamdeuldo ulicheoleom seolo eoyeoppi yeogigo salanghalkkayo." "Namdeuldo jeongmal uli gat-eulkkayo." Eojji geuleon ildeul saeng-gaghajido anhgo naleul beoligo meonjeo gasineungayo. Dangsin-eul yeouigoneun amuli haedo naneun sal su eobs-eoyo. Ppalli dangsinkke gago sip-eoyo. Naleul delyeoga juseyo.dangsin-eul hyanghan ma-eum-eul iseung-eseo ij-eul suga eobsgo seoleoun tteus han-i eobs-seubnida. Nae ma-eum eodie dugo jasig deligo dangsin-eul geuliwohamyeo sal su iss-eulkka saeng-gaghabnida. I nae pyeonji bosigo nae kkum-e waseo jasehi malhae juseyo. Kkumsog-eseo dangsin mal-eul jasehi deudgo sip-eoseo ileohge sseoseo neoh-eodeulibnida. Jasehi bosigo na-ege malhae juseyo. Dangsin nae baes-sog-ui jasig nah-eumyeon bogo malhal geos issda hago geuleohge gasini, baes-sog-ui jasig nah-eumyeon nuguleul abeojila halasineun geojiyo. Amuli handeul nae ma-eum gatgessseubnikka. Ileon seulpeun il-i haneul alae tto issgessseubnikka. Dangsin-eun hangas geugos-e ga gyesil ppun-ijiman amuli handeul nae ma-eumgat-i seoleobgessseubnikka. Hando eobsgo kkeutdo eobs-eo da mos sseugo daegangman jeogseubnida. I pyeonji jasehi bosigo nae kkum-e waseo dangsin moseub jasehi boyeo jusigo tto malhae juseyo. Naneun kkum-eneun dangsin-eul bol su issdago midgo issseubnida. Mollae waseo boyeojuseyo. Hago sip-eun mal kkeut-i eobs-eo iman jeogseubnida.

English translation:

To Won's Father
June 1, 1586

You always said, "Dear, let's live together until our hair turns gray and die on the same day." How could you pass away without me? Who should I and our little boy listen to and how should we live? How could you go ahead of me?

How did you bring your heart to me and how did I bring my heart to you? Whenever we lay down together you always told me, "Dear, do other people cherish and love each other like we do? Are they really like us?" How could you leave all that behind and go ahead of me?

I just cannot live without you. I just want to go to you. Please take me to where you are. My feelings toward you I cannot forget in this world and my sorrow knows no limit. Where would I put my heart in now and how can I live with the child missing you?
Please look at this letter and tell me in detail in my dreams. Because I want to listen to your saying in detail in my dreams I write this letter and put it in. Look closely and talk to me.

When I give birth to the child in me, who should it call father? Can anyone fathom how I feel? There is no tragedy like this under the sky.

You are just in another place, and not in such a deep grief as I am. There is no limit and end to my sorrows that I write roughly. Please look closely at this letter and come to me in my dreams and show yourself in detail and tell me. I believe I can see you in my dreams. Come to me secretly and show yourself. There is no limit to what I want to say and I stop here.

Queen Isabel of Norway's testament, dated November 22, 1316

Source:


Isabel Bruce (born circa 1272, died 1358) was queen of Norway as the wife of King Erik II Magnusson. Isabel was born in Carrick, Scotland. Her parents were Robert de Brus, 6th Lord of Annandale and Marjorie, Countess of Carrick. Her brothers included Robert the Bruce, King of Scots, and Edward Bruce, who briefly was High King of Ireland. In 1293, when she was 21, Isabel visited Norway with her father and was married in Bergen to King Erik.

Isabel was King Erik's second wife. He had previously been married to King Alexander III of Scotland's daughter Margaret, who died in childbirth in 1283. When Alexander died in 1286, Erik's three year old daughter Margaret, the Maid of Norway, became heir to the Scottish throne. Erik arranged her marriage to the English King Edward I's son Edward, Jr., but it all fell through when the seven year old Margaret died suddenly while journeying to Scotland in 1290. Her death left Scotland without a monarch and at the mercy of King Edward I.

Aged just 26, Isabel was widowed when Erik passed away in 1299. He was succeeded by his brother, King Haakon V of Norway, who reigned until his own death in 1319. Isabel outlived her husband by 59 years and never remarried. They never had a son and male heir, although they did have a daughter, Ingeborg Eriksdottir of Norway, who, after having initially been betrothed to Jon II, Earl of Orkney, married Valdemar Magnusson of Sweden, Duke of Finland, in 1312. Isabel herself arranged the two betrothals.

She never returned to Scotland and lived in Bergen, Norway for the rest of her life and died there. As a queen consort, there is little information about her life, but her life is better documented as queen dowager. Queen Isabel participated in many official events and ceremonies and was very influential. She was present with the royal couple at the inauguration in 1305 of Bishop Arne Sigurdssön, the new Bishop of Bergen. Isabel had a good relationship with the clerical powers there, made donations, and in 1324 received several houses from the church. It has been suggested that she participated as a mediator in the negotiations between Norway and Scotland regarding Orkney and Shetland in 1312, under which the Treaty of Perth was reaffirmed. In 1339, the king pardoned a prisoner at Isabel's request. She exchanged letters with her sister Christina Bruce and sent soldiers in her support. In 1359, Ingeborg, who became Duchess of Uppland, Öland and Finland upon her marriage, made her own mother one of her heirs.

The testament:

Testamente Jssabelle drottning. Jn nomine dominj amen[.] Er thet alle menn kundigtt att wy Jssabelle droning, som wirdulege herre gode aminding Erick medt gudtz miskund Norigis konings søn Magnus konings aate, men gudt thet loffuede, giorde thenne skick for osz till Christ Kircke i Bergenn Gud sielff til loffs och dyder, wor frue stj. Marie och hin hillige Suniwe och alle gudtz hillige menn til werdinge, och osz til euindelig bøne hold och sallig hielp, att wy giffue i wortt testamente forsagde Christ kircke och aff siffiadom osz, och i hender bettalde werduleg herre herre andfindt medt gudtz miskund biskop i Bergenn xx mercker Brendar, wegne i gode loglige engslom pendinge, medt saadann for ord som her fylger, att forsagde Bisp gord skall euendelig skyldig till werre, att holde ther stadene wore /l-/ medt /-l/ huertt aar medt /-j/ pund wax, ii /-j/ skillinge englom till offers och føde v fattige meniske paa huer wor aars dag, medt sælle tide och messe sangh høgtidelige att Ringe lade alle klockerne ther i staden quell och morgen, som ther sker effther andre høffdinger, ther som thette timelig testamente haffuer giordt, Och til sands windisbyrdt att thenne wor skick wrygelig medt herre bispens samtycke och jattalse setther hand och hans Cappitulij there Jndsegle for thenne /l-/ breff /-l/ Chirographum medt wortt Jndsegle, haffuer och herre Bispenn enn Chirographum lig thenne ord fraa orde som her stander, medt samme Jndsegle Jndseglede i Bergenn x k[a]lendas decembris Anno Mcccxvj aa attande aare mynn werdulege herris hakoner koningx

Queen Sophie of Denmark and Norway's letter to Eske Bille, dated April 21, 1530

Source:

https://www.dokpro.uio.no/perl/middelalder/diplom_vise_tekst.prl?b=18784&s=n&str=


Above: Sophie of Pomerania, Queen of Denmark and Norway, artist unknown.

Sophie of Pomerania (born circa 1498, died May 13, 1568) was queen of Denmark and Norway as the spouse of King Frederik I. She is known for her independent rule over her fiefs of Lolland and Falster, the castles in Kiel and Plön, and several villages in Holstein as queen.

The letter:

Sophia met gudts nade Danmarcs wendis oc gottis dr[ot]ning
vdualdt drotning tiill Norghe etc.

Vor sønnerlige gunst tilfornn.

Kere Esgy wiider at som i nu haffue schreffuit stormegtugeste hogborne førsthe wor allerkieriste herre och husbonde tiill at werdugiste herre her erchebiscop Oluff i Trundhiem haffuer forskicket tiill ether xv themmer hermellinne xxxvj themmer graawerck iiij skind minus som hans tiennere vpbar aff skattenn i Iemptelannd huilcke i wiide at oss tilhører. Thij bethe wij etther kierligenn atj wille met thet allerførste forskicke samme wilduare tiill Lubech tiill oss elskelige Henrick Skepingh och schriffue hannem tiill at hannd framdelis sender oss thet tiill G[otto]rpp. Ther met giøre i oss synnerligenn tiill wilge oc w[il]le thet kierligen [ig]hen met ether forskylde. Befaldendis ether gud. Schreffuit paa wort slott Gottorp torsdagenn nest effther poskedag aar etc. mdxxx [wn]der wort sig[net].

With modernised spelling:

Sophia med Guds nåde Danmarks, Vendes og Gotes Dronning,
udvaldt Dronning til Norge, etc.

Vor synderlige gunst tilforende.

Kære Eske vider at som I nu have skrevet Stormægtigeste Høgborne Fyrste Vor Allerkæreste Herre og Husbonde til at værdigste Herre Herr Ærkebiskop Oluf i Trondhjem haver forskikket til Eder XV timer hermeline XXXVI timer gråverk IIII skind minus som hans tjenere upbar af skatten i Jämtland hvilke I vide at Os tilhører. Thi bede Vi Eder kærligen at I ville med det allerførste forskikke samme vildvare til Lübeck til Oss elskelige Henrik Skeping och skrive hanem til at hånd framdeles sender Os det til Gottorp. Dermed gøre I Os synderligen til vilje og ville det kærligen igen med Eder forskylde. Befallendes Eder Gud. Skrevet på Vort Slott Gottorp, torsdagen næst efter Påskedag år etc. MDXXX under Vort signet.

Queen Dorothea of Denmark and Norway's letter to Eske Bille, dated April 5, 1551

Source:

https://www.dokpro.uio.no/perl/middelalder/diplom_vise_tekst.prl?b=19107&s=n&str=


Above: Queen Dorothea of Denmark and Norway, painted by Michiel Coxie.

Dorothea of Denmark and Norway (born November 10, 1520, died May 31, 1580) was a Danish, Norwegian and Swedish princess and an electress of the Palatinate as the wife of Elector Frederick II of the Palatinate. She was a claimant to the Danish, Norwegian and Swedish thrones and titular monarch in 1559-1561.

The letter:

Dorethea mett gudtzs naade Dammarckis Norgis wendis oc gottis drottning etc.

Wor synnderlige gunst tilffornn.

Wij giiffwe etther tiilkiennde att wij nw haffue fanngit etthers schriiffuelsze wdij huilckenn wij forfare atj epther wor schriiffuelsze haffwe giiortt etthers flyedtt tiill att ladett tilschriiffwe oss elskelige her Clautzs Bylle riidder oc Lauge Wlffstand om ett skib att bestyle epther thett temer wtj Bahuss leenn som schall til Kollinnghuszis byggeninngs behoff oc atj forhobenndis att same skib schall wiiszeligenn bliiffue bestyllit som same etthers schriiffuelsze wider bemelder. Tha betacke wij etther ther fore gunstligen oc bede etther oc begiere atj enndnw wille giøre etthers flyedtt till att same skib jo wisseligen mue kome epther same temer paa thet att byggeningen paa Kolling icke schall bliffue forsømit oc ther fore nederlaugd. Ther mett sker oss synnerligen til willie oc wille thet mett ald gunst forskylle oc bekiennde. Etther gud beffallenndis.

Schreffuit paa Flennsborighuss søndagen quasimodogenitj aar etc. mldj wnder wortt signet.

With modernised spelling:

Dorothea med Guds nåde Danmarks, Norges, Vendes og Gotes Dronning, etc.

Vor synderlige gunst tilforende.

Vi give Eder tilkende at Vi nu have fanget Eders skrivelse udi hvilken Vi forfare at I efter Vor skrivelse have gjort Eders flitt til at ladet tilskrive Os, elskelige Herr Claus Bylle, Ridder og Lauge Ulfstand om et skib at bestille efter det timer udi Bohuslän som skal til Koldingshus' bygnings behov og at I forhåbendes at samme skib skal visserligen blive bestillet som samme Eders skrivelse videre bemelder. Da betakke Vi Eder derfore gunstligen og bede Eder og begære at I endnu ville gøre Eders flitt til at samme skib jo visserligen mue komme efter samme timer på det at bygningen på Kolding ikke skal blive forsømt og derfore nederlaget. Dermed sker Os synderligen til vilje og ville det med alt gunst forskylde og bekende. Eder Gud befallendes.

Skrevet på Flensborghus, søndagen quasimodogeniti år etc. MLDI under Vort signet.

Queen Margrete I's letter, dated November 17, 1390

Source:

https://www.dokpro.uio.no/perl/middelalder/diplom_vise_tekst.prl?b=529&s=n&str=


Above: Queen Margrete I, in a 1792 engraving by Gerhard Ludvig Lahde.

The letter:

Margareta med gudz naadh Noriges ok Swerikis drotning ok retter ærfuinge ok førstinnæ rikisins i Danmark sender ollum monnum þæim sæm þetta bref sia æder høyra q. g. ok sinæ. kunnikt gerande at we hafuum wnt ok lent warom þienaræ Andrese gulklæp swa mykkla jordh sæm wer eighum j Þyuwakil j Lykkio sokn ok war kere herre godhre aminninger konung Hakon honom fyr hafdhæ lent swa lengi sæm warer nadher tel seghiæ fulkomligha firirbiodhande hweriom manne han her i at hindra nema hwær sæm þet gerer wili sætæ waræ sanne wreidhe. Datum Æluesborgh anno domini mccc° nonagesimo feria quinta infra octavas beati Martini episcopi et confessoris nostro sub secreto.

Queen Margrete I's letter, dated March 6, 1388

Source:

https://www.dokpro.uio.no/perl/middelalder/diplom_vise_tekst.prl?b=512&s=n&str=


Above: Queen Margrete I. Courtesy of  Lupi82 on Wikimedia Commons.

The letter:

Margareta med gudz naadh Noreghs ok Swyia drothneng ok Danmarks rettar ærfuingæ ok þæs fyrstinna sændir ollum monnum þæm sæm þetta bref sea æder hoyra Q. g. ok sina. Ver vilium at þeer vitir varom kæra herra ok husbonda konong Hakone varom kæra son konong Olafue gudh bæggias þirra saal hafue swa oc oss væit ok han en framlædhis vatta skal swa oc varom æftirkomandum, þa hafuum ver honom leet vnt oc væit med raadhæ oc samþykt varra ok rikissens j Noreghe raadgiafuara, vm alla hans liifdagha Æikiar Modhæim ok þwærdala med ollum kronunnar vissum jngioldum med ollum sakarøyra størra oc smærra med þægngildum ok fridkaupum ok med ollum kunghlighum ret ængo vndanskildo vttan orbotamalum af huoriu han skal þo tyttugha merkar hafua swa opta sæm þau falla kunna. þer med hafuom ver oc honom leet oc vnt Kopar vikona j Dramfn med skipatollenom ok konongs kaupum sæm þer falla kunno seer till nytsæmdar sialfuum alla þæssa luti vm alla hans liifdagha. framlædis æftir hans liifdagha skula hans husfrw ok hans barn fylghia Æikium Modhæimj þwærdalum ok Koparvikenne sæm adr er sakt ok hafua j pant bædhæ firir þa peninga sæm ader næmfder vaar kæræ herræ ok husbondæ var honom skyldugher swa ok firir þa peningu sæm honom bresta nu at han æighi vpboret hæfuir [af alla syslu till þæs dags at ver æder varer æftirkomanda hafuum þæim loket twau hundradha lodhugha mark ok ænkti af sla af þy þau vpbera vttan kronunnar vissu jngiold ader en þæim ero vploknar adernæmfd twau hundradha lodhugha mark. Ok þy setto wyrdoligher herrar herræ Vinalder med gudz naadh erkibiskupr j Nidharos herræ Øystein j Oslo herra Olafuer j Stafwangre herræ Sighurder j Hamræ med samræ naadh biskupar Hakon Jonsson Gaute Eiriksson ok Joon Marteinsson siin jncighli med varo firir þettæ bref er gort var a Akershuse a freadaghen nest firir midhfastu sunnodagh a fyrsto aare sæm ver varom tæknar till Noregs rikis stiorn.

Saturday, August 22, 2020

Lady Alys Sudeley's letter to Thomas Stonor, dated April 4, before 1431

Source:

The Stonor letters and papers, 1290-1483, volume 1, edited by Charles Lethbridge Kingsford, Offices of the Society, London, 1919

https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=hvd.32044025059650&view=1up&seq=219

The letter:

Right trusty and entierly welbeloved frend y commaund me unto you: and, where as y of singler trust in you have before this enfeffed you with other in my Maners, londes and tenements withyn dyvers shires, wole and hertely prey you, for gret consideracions and causes touching my worship and gret profyt, that ye seale the deedes, made yn youre name and other, of the seid Maners to suche persons as be named in the same, wheche seid deedes the berer of this shall shewe unto you, as my full trust ys and hathe be unto you, like as the berer hereof shall enfourme you: to whom y prey you geve credence. And, sir, yf ther be anything that y may do for you in any mater in tyme comyng, y wole do yt with all myn hert, and that knoweth God, who have you in his blessed kepyng. Wreten at Sudely the iiij day of Avrell.
Alys, lady Sudeley.

Countess Margaret of Devon's letter to Edmund de Stonor, dated January 8, 1380

Source:

The Stonor letters and papers, 1290-1483, volume 1, edited by Charles Lethbridge Kingsford, Offices of the Society, London, 1919

https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=hvd.32044025059650&view=1up&seq=195


Above: The effigy of Countess Margaret of Devon, photo by own photo on Wikimedia Commons.

Margaret de Bohun, Countess of Devon (born April 3, 1311, died December 16, 1391) was the granddaughter of King Edward I and Eleanor of Castile, and the wife of Hugh Courtenay, 10th Earl of Devon (1303–1377). Her seventeen children included an Archbishop of Canterbury and six knights, of whom two were founder knights of the Order of the Garter. Unlike most women of her day, she received a classical education and was a lifelong scholar and collector of books.

The letter:

Salut et bon amour. Voillez savoir qe come nous avions entenduz yl ya une brief le Roi purchassez devers vous touchant le Manoir de Ermyngton: mes nous ne savions pur qi ne a quel noun: pur qei soiez vous bien avisez et garniz, et nous tenetz pur excusez de nostre promesse du temps passez touchant ceo qe nous vous promettames de vous garnir en cas qe nous purroioms oier dascun tielle briefe. A dieu, qe vous garde. Escript a Exmere le xiij jour de Januere.
La Contesse } la Mere.
de Devans

Eleanor le Despencer's letter to John de Stonor, dated February 7, 1326

Source:

The Stonor letters and papers, 1290-1483, volume 1, edited by Charles Lethbridge Kingsford, Offices of the Society, London, 1919

https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=hvd.32044025059650&view=1up&seq=169

The letter:

Ellianor le Despencier a nostre trescher et bien ame monsyr Johan de Stonor, Justice du Banke nostre seignur le Roi, salut et honour. Nous vous prions tant come nous poons qe la requeste que nostre treschere dame la Roine vous fait par ses lettres pour nostre chapelen, nome Johan de Sadyngton, veuillez avoir a cuer e accomplir en si graciouse maniere comme vous savrez et pourrez pour lamour de nous [et] en [tiele] maniere quil sen puisse loer a nous et que nous vous en doiens mercier et tres bon gre savoir. Car par raison ce avoms de mes bien ames a qui il appartient, nous avons ses besoignes mout a cuer. Nostre syr vous garde. Escript a Berklee le vij jour de Fevrier.

Matilda of Scotland's letter to Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury, year circa 1103

Sources:

https://epistolae.ctl.columbia.edu/letter/394.html

Letters of royal and illustrious ladies of Great Britain, from the commencement of the twelfth century to the close of the reign of Queen Mary, volume 1, edited by Mary Anne Everett Wood, H. Colburn, London, 1846

https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=nyp.33433075905988&view=1up&seq=33


Above: Matilda of Scotland, Queen of England, 19th century engraving by W. H. Mote after J. W. Wright.

Matilda of Scotland (originally christened Edith, born 1080, died May 1, 1118), also known as Good Queen Maud or Matilda of Blessed Memory, was Queen of England and Duchess of Normandy as the first wife of King Henry I. She acted as regent of England on several occasions in her husband's absence.

Daughter of the King Malcolm III of Scotland and Princess-Saint Margaret of Wessex, Matilda was sent to be educated in a convent in southern England, where her aunt Cristina was abbess. According to Wilton Abbey's traditions in the 1140s, her aunt ordered her to take the veil in order to protect her from the lust of William II of England, which angered her father because of the affect it might have on her prospects of marriage. In 1093, Matilda was engaged to an English nobleman until her father and her brother Edward were killed in a minor raid. A messy succession conflict in Scotland followed between her uncle Donald III, her half-brother Duncan II and her brother Edgar until 1097, when the latter assumed the throne.

Upon the accession of Henry I in 1100, following his brother William's death while hunting, the English King quickly proposed marriage to Matilda, who possessed the Anglo-Saxon royal blood, which the Norman dynasty largely lacked. Furthermore, her brother offered the prospect of better relations between the two countries. However, there was a difficulty about the marriage: a special church council was called to be satisfied that Matilda hadn't taken vows as a nun, but her firm testimony managed to convince them of.

As Queen of England since late 1100, Matilda embarked on several building projects for transportation and health, took a role in government as mediator to the Church, and led a literary court. She acted as regent when her husband was away, with many surviving charters signed by her. Matilda and Henry had two children: Matilda and William Adelin, Duke of Normandy. She lived to see her daughter become Holy Roman Empress, but died two years before her son's drowning. Her widower remarried, but had no further legitimate children, which caused a succession crisis resulting in a long civil war known as The Anarchy. Queen Matilda was buried in Westminster Abbey and was fondly remembered by her subjects. There was an attempt to have her canonized, which wasn't pursued.

The letter:

Pie colendo patri et digne reverendo domino suo, ANSELMO archiepiscopo: MATHILDIS, dei gratia regina Anglorum, minima sanctitatis eius ancilla, perpetuam in Christo salutem.

Indesinenti vestrae bonitati, quae, mei non immemor, litteris praesentatis absentis vestri praesentiam exhibere dignata est, gratias innumeras refero. Tristitiae quippe nebulis quibus obvolvebar expulsis, verborum vestrorum me rivulus, tamquam novae lucis radius, perlustravit. Cartulam quidem a vobis missam loco patris amplector, sinu foveo, cordi quoad possum propius admoveo, verba de dulci bonitatis vestrae fonte manantia ore relego, mento retracto, corde recogito, recogitata in ipso cordis arcano repono.

Ubi digne laudatis omnibus hoc solum miror, quod de nepote vestro excellentia vestrae discretionis inseruit. Non enim mihi iudico quicquam facere aliter, vestris, aliter meis; aliter scilicet meis quam meis. Vestri quippe genere sunt mei adoptione et dilectione.

Vestrae vero scripturae consolatio patientiam mihi corroborat, spem facit et servat, quae relevat me cadentem, sustinet labentem, laetificat dolentem, mitigat irascentem pacatque, flentem. Ea namque mihi frequenter secretoque consulens spondet reditum filiae patris, ancillae domini, ovi pastoris.

Spondet autem itidem confidentia quam in orationibus bonorum hominum habeo, et benevolentia quam ex corde domini mei sollerter investigans perpendo. Est enim illi erga vos animus compositior quam plerique homines aestiment, qui deo annuente et me qua potero suggerente vobis fiet commodior atque concordios. Quod vero vobis in praesenti de redditibus vestris fieri permittit, idem et melius ampliusque in futurum, cum ex re et tempore postulaveritis, fieri permittet. Ubi quamvis amplius quam aequum iudicem sibi teneat: oro tamen vestrae pietatis affluentiam, ut excluso amaritudinis humanae rancore, qui vobis inesse non assolet, dilectionis vestrae dulcedinem ab illo non avertatis; immo vero apud deum pro ipso et me et communi sobole et regni nostri statu pium vos intercessorem exhibeatis. Valeat vestra semper sanctitas.

English translation:

To her piously remembered father and worthily reverenced lord, Anselm the archbishop, Matilda, by the grace of God queen of England, the least of the handmaidens of his holiness, wishes perpetual health in Christ.

I give unnumbered thanks to your unceasing goodness, which, not unmindful of me, has condescended, by your letters presented to me, to shew forth your mind, though absent. The clouds of sadness in which I was wrapped being expelled, the streamlet of your words has glided through me like a ray of new light. I embrace the little parchment sent to me by you, as I would my father himself: I cherish it in my bosom, I place it as near my heart as I can; I read over and over again the words flowing from the sweet fountain of your goodness; my mind considers them, my heart broods over them; and I hide the pondered treasures in the very secret place of my heart. Yet, while I praise all you have said, at one thing alone I wonder; that is, at what your discreet excellency has said about your nephew. Yet I do not think I can deal otherwise with your friends than my own. I might say with mine than my own, for all who are yours by kindred are mine by love and adoption. Truly the consolation of your writing strengthens my patience, gives and preserves my hopes, raises me when falling, sustains me when sliding, gladdens me when sorrowful, softens me when angry, pacifies me when weeping. Farther, frequent, though secret, consultation promises the return of the father to his daughter, of the lord to his handmaiden, of the pastor to his flock. I am encouraged to hope the same thing from the confidence which I have in the prayers of good men, and from the good will which, by skilfully investigating, I find to be in the heart of my lord. His mind is better disposed towards you than many men think; and, I favouring it, and suggesting wherever I can, he will become yet more courteous and reconciled to you. As to what he permits now to be done, in reference to your return, he will permit more and better to be done in future, when, according to time and opportunity, you shall request it. But even though he should persist in being an unjust judge, I entreat the affluence of your piety, that, excluding the bitterness of human rancour, which is not wont to dwell in you, you turn not from him the sweetness of your favour, but ever prove a pious intercessor with God for him and me, our common offspring, and the state of our kingdom. May your holiness ever fare well.

Hildegard of Bingen's letter to Abbess Adelheid of Gandersheim, written between 1152 and 1170

Source:


Hildegard of Bingen (born 1098, died September 17, 1179) was a German Benedictine abbess, writer, composer, philosopher, Christian mystic, visionary and polymath. She is one of the best-known composers of sacred monophony, as well as the most recorded in modern history. She has been considered by many in Europe to be the founder of scientific natural history in Germany.

Hildegard's fellow nuns elected her as magistra in 1136; she founded the monasteries of Rupertsberg in 1150 and Eibingen in 1165. She wrote theological, botanical and medicinal texts, as well as letters, liturgical songs for women choirs to sing, and poems, while supervising miniature illuminations in the Rupertsberg manuscript of her first work, Scivias. There are more surviving chants by Hildegard than by any other composer from the entire Middle Ages, and she is one of the few known composers to have written both the music and the words. One of her works, the Ordo Virtutum, is an early example of liturgical drama and arguably the oldest surviving morality play. She is also noted for the invention of a constructed language known as Lingua Ignota.

Although the history of her formal canonisation is complicated, branches of the Roman Catholic Church have recognised Hildegard as a saint for centuries. On May 10, 2012, Pope Benedict XVI extended the liturgical cult of St. Hildegard to the entire Catholic Church in a process known as "equivalent canonisation". On October 7, 2012, he named her as a Doctor of the Church, in recognition of her "holiness of life and the originality of her teaching."

The letter:

Serena lux ad te dicit: Dies noctem precellit et nox scientiam loquitur. Quomodo? Dies uidendo et audiendo probat in quo letandum et gaudendum sit, et nox plurimas optiones in multis utilitatibus habet et diem attendit. Sed et tempestas interdum precurrit, et postea pura dies apparet. Tu, filia Dei, in prima luce fuisti et in torculari calcata es, sed postea latitudinem uiarum ambulasti. Nunc preuide ne bonas uias derelinquas, quia Deus te uult et te scit, ita ut, si ad illum aspicis festinanter te adiuuat. Cum autem uanitatem seculi tangis, ad te superflue currit. Itaque in duabus partibus elige quod tibi bonum sit, quoniam, si Deum uidendo et audiendo inuocas non derelinquet te. Deus te adiuuet, ut dies in te clarescat et ut nox a te recedat, quatenus gemma in uirtutibus fias. Et sic in eternum uiues.

English translation (from a Swedish translation):

The clear light tells you: the day surpasses the night and the night announces it. How? By seeing and listening, the day tests what one should rejoice in, and the night has many choices among many useful things and pays attention to the day. But even a storm sometimes precedes the day, and then the pure day appears. You, daughter of God, were in the first light, and you were trampled in a winepress, but after that you have walked in spacious ways. Now take heed that you do not forsake the good ways, because God pleases you and knows you, so that if you turn to Him, He will help you quickly. For when you touch the vanity of the world, He flows to you in excess. Therefore, choose between the two options what may benefit you, because if you invoke God through seeing and hearing, he will not abandon you. May God help you, so that the day will become clear in you, and the night will turn away from you, so that you become a jewel among virtues. And so you will live eternally.

Bess of Hardwick's letter to Sir John Thynne, dated March 31, year possibly in the 1550s

Source:

https://www.bessofhardwick.org/letter.jsp?letter=198


Above: Bess of Hardwick.

In this letter, Bess (Lady Cavendish) writes to Sir John Thynne with news of 'disordered things' recently put 'into some good order', including relations with her tenants. She hopes Thynne can visit Chatsworth on his next trip to London or when visiting his estates in Yorkshire.

The letter:

Too the Ryght worchoupfull my vary frende Syr Iohen thynne knyghte
my Lady Cav[endish] vltimo marcij

Syr I shall pray you to acsepe theys fewe. lynes for that I haue no tyme to wryte at lenghte mayster hyde cane declare unto you of all oure prosedynges here. I thanke hym he hathe taken meche payne to brynge my dysordered thynges yn to some good order I shall by hys meanes be habyll so to youse my tanantes. as I trouste. they. shall not meche desaue me. I wolde I coulde parswade you that your neryste waye to london. were to come by Chattysworth or elles. that you wolde chouse thys tyme to go se your lande yn yourke shyre. yf any ocasyon myght brenge you hether so that yt were not yll to you. I wolde be uary glade of yet. and so wyssynge unto you yn all thynges as to my selfe I wyll sease troblynge you with my crebelynge frome my poore howse at Chattysworthe the laste of marche
yours as I am many wayes bowden
E Cauendyssh

Bess of Hardwick's letter to Sir John Thynne, dated March 15, year possibly in the 1550s

Source:

https://www.bessofhardwick.org/letter.jsp?letter=200


Above: Bess of Hardwick.

In this letter, Bess (Lady Cavendish) writes to Sir John Thynne after completing a long and troublesome journey home, with an account of her travel difficulties and the disordered state in which she found her 'poor house' (i.e. Chatsworth) upon arrival.

The letter:

Too the Ryghte worchoupfull my uarye frende Syr Iohen thyne Knyghte
from the lady Cavendysshe

Syr all thoughte I haue no mater of ymportance werewithall now to trbyll you. yet wyll I not suffer eny knowen messenger to pase without my latters of sonday I made ane ende of my longe foulle Iourney/ by the way I wos many tymes yn mynde to haue restode. for my horcus wos not well habyll to passe thoro the touffe myre waye with the leter/ I haue escapyed one of my fettys synes my comynge whome and dowte not yn shorte tyme to recouer my helthe. yf amounste you I haue no wronge offerede me yn my absence/ yf any seche matter happon I trouste you wyll so for se for me that yet shall not be hurtefoull to me nor myne/ to declare vnto you how I founde my poore howse yn all thynges dysorderede were to meche to trobyll you withall. but for the good order and clyndelynes of yet I dare compare yet with any en withyn thys reyme. I trousse mayster hyde wyll kepe hys aponntode day with me. and by hym I trouste to here frome you. my lady and my frende maystrys eynes. unto whome I pray you that I may be comaundode and so with my mouste harty thankes for the frenchepe that I haue resauyed at your handes. wyll sease trobelynge you frome Chattysworth the xv of march
your as I am maney wayes bowden/
Elyzabeth Cauendyssh

Thursday, August 20, 2020

Maria Magdalena van Akerlaeken's letter to Constantijn Huygens, dated July 30, 1647

Source:

Briefwisseling van Constantijn Huygens 1607-1687

http://resources.huygens.knaw.nl/watermarker/media/huygens/original/4630_ubl.pdf?pos_x=10&pos_y=3&use_border=true&all_pages=true&color=20%2C20%2C20&text=%C2%A9+Universiteitsbibliotheek+Leiden%0ACod.+Hug.+37+%28Akerlaeken%29+1%0Ahttp%3A%2F%2Fresources.huygens.knaw.nl%2Fbriefwisselingconstantijnhuygens%2Fbrief%2Fnr%2F4630&font_size=1.5%25


(photo courtesy of Koninklijke Verzamelingen Den Haag)

The letter:

Myn heere
jck versoecke Oodsmoedelyck, of bedelheyt believe de moyten te nemen van myn te doen weten de tyt wanneer Syne Hoogheyt Prince Wilhelm heeft verCregen d'edle Ordre van den Coussebant, U edelheyt sal my believen te vergeven de stoutheyt dien jck neme van U Edelheyt dit soo te derven schryven, is om oorsaecke jck U Edelheyt niet geerne met myn woorden soude mogelyck vallen, soo daer weder om wat soude mogen wesen in het Sterff huysch van myn vader Sal., dat U Edelheyt soude Connen dienen U Edelheyt sal maer hebben te gebieden,
Maria Margareta van Akerlaecken

U Edelheyt
sal het be-
lieven maer
op dit brieffken
te setten
des 30. juli 1647.

Lucia van Aerssen-Walta's letter to Constantijn Huygens, dated September 15, 1668

Source:

Briefwisseling van Constantijn Huygens

http://resources.huygens.knaw.nl/watermarker/media/huygens/original/transcriptieswalta.pdf?pos_x=10&pos_y=3&use_border=true&all_pages=true&color=20%2C20%2C20&text=%C2%A9+Huygens+ING-website%0Ap.+2%0Ahttp%3A%2F%2Fresources.huygens.knaw.nl%2Fbriefwisselingconstantijnhuygens%2Fbrief%2Fnr%2F6194&font_size=1.5%25

The letter:

De la Corrace, 15 de September [1668]
Monsieur,
Je suis trop vostre servante. Je ne vous pas tesmoinyer la joye que j’ay que vous avés marié Monsieur vostre fils à vostre contentement à une Damoisille en virité qui mérite boucoup, car elle est d’un humeur duce et très sage et vous filicite, Monsieur, et vous souhaite et aus novelles mariées baucoup de joye, satisfaction et contentement, autant que une des miens, je vous en assure, Monsieur, et suis très fâché que je n’ay pas esté au liui en tamps de filicitation. J’aurays eu ma part des agréables larmes de la fiancée ou mariée. À mon retour j’espère encore trouvé quelque reste.

J’ay esté bien fâché, Monsieur, je vous en assure, et le Conte de Kincardin a esté bien ausy. Je vous jure que nous vous avons pas pu plustôt satisfaire dans vostre pettite commision que vous m’avies donné et qu’il a eu avant mon arivé, mais à la fin voycy 2 lestres qu’on me dit ester pour les puvans que vous désirés. J’espère qu’il y seront satisfait, car on n’en peut plus direr deux.

Je fais estat de retourner sytost qu’il y seron de vasaux sans m’atacher à 8 ou dix jours, plus ou moins, car l’iver aproche et le nuits deviendron long et vrayes et tempests à craindre. Rien me fâche plus que je n’ay pas esté 3 mois plustost icy. J’aurays apris un peu la lange et j’en auray eu le contantement de voir Monsieur le Conte de Kincardin et ma fillie et cest agréable paix et la civile noblesse que un chaqnun a l’anvy me fâche à oblisier. Jamais je ne vis un pays sy fertile et pleyn de blées que celle-cy, nonobstant qu’elle n’est que montanyes et valeés, elle son sy agréablement situé que c’est un plasir pour le voir. Tout de mesme, comme à Brusselle, je ne le sauvois mieux faire resambler un flyr sain. Et la maison du Conte de Kincardin est sur une haute montanye, plus haut que la tour de novelle glise à La Haye, et ces jardins en desandans ce montanyes, et après de fort larges promenades, qui sont presque sy long que le Voorhout, à deux costé planté. Et puis on desans en jhardins et puis après de larges promenades, et la plus belle vue sur la rivière qu’on se peut inmagener et un sy bon flyr que où je me trouvait toujours enrumé et malade, je me porte ycy le meilleur du monde et je regrette ausy bien mon départ que ma povre fillie, qui est fort fâché de cela, malheureux est un persone qui est né en un autre paix, il en veut morir.

A notre entrevue je vous entretiendrai plus amplement et je vous diray de bouche que je suis et sera toujours san réserve,
Monsieur,
Vostre très humble et très oblisié servante,
Lucia de Walta, Dovergère de Sommelsdijck.

Avec vostre permision je salue les novelles mariées et Madame de Sint Anelant et Monsieur et Madame de Nokersil et Madamoiselles vos niepses et suis à partout leurs servants.

Lucia van Aerssen-Walta's letter to Constantijn Huygens, dated February 21, 1664

Source:

Briefwisseling van Constantijn Huygens

http://resources.huygens.knaw.nl/watermarker/media/huygens/original/transcriptieswalta.pdf?pos_x=10&pos_y=3&use_border=true&all_pages=true&color=20%2C20%2C20&text=%C2%A9+Huygens+ING-website%0Ap.+2%0Ahttp%3A%2F%2Fresources.huygens.knaw.nl%2Fbriefwisselingconstantijnhuygens%2Fbrief%2Fnr%2F6194&font_size=1.5%25

The letter:

Den 21 februvary [1664]
Mijnheer,
Ick weet niet hoe te beginne de dancksegginge die ick Uw.d moet doen van alle genomene moite ende noch voor de 2 leste brive die ick van Uw.d heb ontfange met het meloensaet. ‘t Is mij leet dat gij mij de hoop afsnijt om die vruchte daervan te geniete. Hoop evewel dat de saeke so tot dienst van Sijn Hoogheyt sulle geabregeert worden, dat Uw.d haest met gesontheyt by de sijne sal come, dat ick van ganser harte wense.

Mijn jonckheyt hebbe dat lachlijck versoek van mij begeert, van een fraye neusdoek goetcoop te hebben. Sij dachte dat terwijl het rou daer was, dat me de neusdoeke min als de helft waerde soude hebbe gehat. En nu met dese dispute, van te wille vechte, so blijve onse welbegoste b[…]s steke en nu oock so sijn de neusdoeke haer so dienstich niet. Bedank Uw.d seer voor die moite die hij daer om heeft genome. Mijn soon heeft groot gelijck sich met de com[mis]sies van sijn susters sich niet te wille bemoyen. Hij soude noyt gedaen wete hebbe met ’s susters ende dan sou ‘t licht niet naer haer sin sijn. Het is beter dat se hier wat dierder copen en haer sin hebben.

De vrou van Oudijck hebbe wij maendach ‘s avens in Den Hag gecrege. Is tot den heer en vrou van Beverweert seer beleeft ontfange en gelogeert. Daermet is den heer van Oudijck heel geholpen en uit het losse spek geraekt, want hij sal rijcklijck en costlijck connetere.

Hier en is anders geen nieus. Oock en weet ick het niet, daerdien ick in 10 dage niet ut sij geweest, omdat ick seer vercouwe ben met een swaren hoest. Selfs dat ick veel bloedige fluyme los en nacht noch dach ruste kan van ‘t v[i]olent hoeste.

Ick sij aen Mijnheer de Ramboilliet verbonde, van de eer van Sijn Hoog[heyt], dat hij mij noch met het meloensaet is gedachtich geweest. Ick wenste dat ick veel gesontheyt en ijts hat waermede ick hem van hier cost dienen, of dat ick hem hier ergens dienst wiste te doen. Ick kan oock verders aen Uw.d niet meer segge dan dat ick blijve, so lang ick leve, onveranderlijck,
Mijnheer,
Uw.d ootmoedige dienerse
Lucia van Walta,
Douangere van Sommelsdijck.

Lucia van Aerssen-Walta's letter to Constantijn Huygens, dated January 31, 1664

Source:

Briefwisseling van Constantijn Huygens

http://resources.huygens.knaw.nl/watermarker/media/huygens/original/transcriptieswalta.pdf?pos_x=10&pos_y=3&use_border=true&all_pages=true&color=20%2C20%2C20&text=%C2%A9+Huygens+ING-website%0Ap.+2%0Ahttp%3A%2F%2Fresources.huygens.knaw.nl%2Fbriefwisselingconstantijnhuygens%2Fbrief%2Fnr%2F6194&font_size=1.5%25

The letter:

Den 31 januvary [1664]
Mijnheer,
Den dese sal het beste bij brenge, van Uw.d te bedancke van de verkisinge, sendinge en liquedasij, die Uw.d heeft gelive te doen. En ick wist niet dat wij so rijck waren datter noch ijts aen ons resteerde, hetgeen noch sal gegeve worde, sal morge aen Mijnheer van Zelem gesonde worde.

Maer Mijnheer, ick heb een dochter die wel een fraye toer van poin de Vinise soude wille hebbe, maer niet gaern veel gelt bestede. Cost men, nu alles daer in de rou is, een crijge die fray was voer 100 Hollants gelt, dat souden se daermet aenhange, al was ‘t 20 gulde meer als se heel fray was, van één stuck, sonder enige separasij gelijck of het een binnenwerk was, want de binnewerke heb ick, maer een fray patroon, doorgaande. Maer meer sou sij niet gaern bestede want sij sijn minagen, hebbe gaern wat frays en goecoop. Ick geefse gelijck alse die so conne vinde. Misschien met den grote sooi sou ‘t conne gebeuren.

Voors, Mijnheer, moet ick u bidde om goet meloensaet. Het wort tijt, want mijn hoveniers doen mij erom sommere en bidde dat ick doer uwe middel melone van Langes mach hebben. En dat se met de post neffens den toer tegelijck mach crijge, want de post brengt er hier vele met voer d’een en d’ander. En nu, met al dese bals, so verlangen se daer meer na. Gij siet Mijnheer, hoe dat ick abuseer van u goetheyt en seg noch eens, dat ick met al mijn hart wenste Uw.d of de sijne enige dienst te doen, ick soude my seer geluckich achte en sal altijt blijve,
Mijnheer,
Uw.d ootmoedige ende dienstwillige dienerse
Lucia van Walta.

Dat meloensaet van Langes sou hogtijt gesonde sijn. Vergeft mijn inportuniteyt. Men maekt accort met de poste wat me de poste geeft die de toers brenge.

Mijnheer,
Gij sult verwondert sijn te verstaen dat mijn soon verleden dinsdach na Paris is vertrocke met Mijnheer Monba en Monsieur de Marrees, onse predicant. Seer subijt is sijn reys opgecome, sodat hij nimant adieu heef geseyt.

Lucia van Aerssen-Walta's letter to Constantijn Huygens, dated January 10, 1664

Source:

Briefwisseling van Constantijn Huygens

http://resources.huygens.knaw.nl/watermarker/media/huygens/original/transcriptieswalta.pdf?pos_x=10&pos_y=3&use_border=true&all_pages=true&color=20%2C20%2C20&text=%C2%A9+Huygens+ING-website%0Ap.+2%0Ahttp%3A%2F%2Fresources.huygens.knaw.nl%2Fbriefwisselingconstantijnhuygens%2Fbrief%2Fnr%2F6194&font_size=1.5%25

The letter:

Den 10 januvary [1664]
Mijnheer,
Den dese sal Uw.d nu t’enemael de dancksegginge doen van die enplettes, die wij nu in sijn perfectie hebbe gesien. En so haast als de juppe opgemaekt was met de frans, so heb ick se aen mijnvrou Uw.d dochter gesonden om te besien. Hebbe met mij bevonde dat sij seer fray was, in der geschticheyt die verkiesinge passeerde alle de staeltjes die wij door uwen middel hebbe become en was niet een van alle die reprocheerde die verkiesinge die Uw.d hadde gedaen, sodat mijn dochter van Spijck daerover exterordinaris verblijt is en seer met vermakt en secht gelijck het waer is datter nimant in de werelt bequamer can gevonden worde die so wel sich verstaet van alles, als Mijnheer doet. Dat ic versuck dat hij vaek, ja dickwils van ons geïnportuneert wort, doch met hartlijcke wens dat ick het, of enige van de mijne, het selvige coste erkenne, met enige van onse dienste te bewijse.

De tijt dan moete wij afwachte, die ons so geluckich sal make en nu niet anders hebbende als alleen de versekeringe daervan te doen dat ick en alle de mijne sijn, en blijve onveranderlijck,
Mijnheer,
Uw.d ootmoedige ende dienstwillige dienerse
Lucia van Walta, Dovergere van Sommelsdijck.

Ick wenste maer alleen te wete, nu dat Uw.d alle dese moyte gelieft heeft gelieve te neme, dat ick wist aen wie het gelt te geve en hoeveel dat het is dat wij moete geve met de stele van de wayers. Sal het terstont betale en al het verschot van packe.

Madame Boudroy of Huneems heeft seker het g[…..] seer sorchvuldich ons het toegesonde op uw recommandasij.

Ick met alle de jonckheyt wenschen aen Mijnheer een gelucksalich niue jaer en dat hij eens mach tuis in gesontheyt by de sijne mach come.

Lucia van Aerssen-Walta's letter to Constantijn Huygens, dated December 27, 1663

Source:

Briefwisseling van Constantijn Huygens

http://resources.huygens.knaw.nl/watermarker/media/huygens/original/transcriptieswalta.pdf?pos_x=10&pos_y=3&use_border=true&all_pages=true&color=20%2C20%2C20&text=%C2%A9+Huygens+ING-website%0Ap.+2%0Ahttp%3A%2F%2Fresources.huygens.knaw.nl%2Fbriefwisselingconstantijnhuygens%2Fbrief%2Fnr%2F6194&font_size=1.5%25

The letter:

Den 27 desember [1663]
Mijnheer,
Den dese sal u crijge met ene lap floers. Den eerste van Uw.d te bedancken van de moyte en het copen van de geeyste rock, daer Uw.d so veel sorvuldichede toe heeft gelieve te gebruycken en daermede mijn dochter so curieus gemaeckt is, dat se de meeste inpatiencij van de werelt heeft om die te ontfangen, en d’ander van het bericht van de poin de Vinise. Seker, Mijnheer, ick heb mij van u goetheyt geabuseert, doch wetende dat Uw.d soveel discresij heeft dat hij dat mijn om mijne dochters ernstich aenhouden niet sal qualijck afnemen. En sij verfoye haerselfs nu oock, dat se over 6 weke mij niet hadde versocht dat ick aen Uw.d om die neusdoek van poin de Vinise sou bidde, en sij heeft alle weeks gehoopt dat se met de post soude comen. De wissel isser selfs al over 6 weke na toe en noch heeft sij die niet gecrege. Sij can de oorsaek daervan niet wete noch dencke, en Mijnheer kan de inpatiencij van jonge luyde. Nu blijft sij al in hoop dat se die de naeste post sal crijge. Ik beken dat 30 en 90 Luvise schricklijck veel gelt is, maer de dartelheyt is Got betert in de werelt so groet, en dat exempel wort ons so van naebuerschapswege metgedeelt, dat gelt voor haer geen gelt en schijnt te sijn. Dat dese begeerte van mijn jongeluy is, Mijnheer, niet datter enige aperencij is van trouwe, ick verklare in consiencij van neen, maer alleen omdat se haer drouvich kleetsel sulle aflegge, daerdien dat den tijt voor haerluy ruim is verstreke, sij curieus sijn liver wat nieus te hebben, als se doch wat moete hebbe, als sich weer met wat outs te moete behelpen. En sij sijn versekert dat hetgene van Uw.d gesonde wort so wel is gecose, dat se daerom die vrijmoedicheyt hebbe genome Mijnheer daermet te beswaren. En ick doeter van haerentwege de dancksegginge daerover en so haest als ‘t aen is gecome, daer se nu de ure van beginne te telle, terwijl de 19 dage al verstreke sijn, so sal ick Uw.d late wete hoe dat haer den rock bevalt met de kant. En sij is daer so van geparsuvadeert dat het haer heel wel sal aenstaen. Het bleu murant was haer inklignasij.

Het nieus dat hier nu is, dat den Bischop van Münster een inval in Oost-Vrieslant heeft gedaen, daer de Staete nu seer met bemoyt sijn. Dat den heer van Oudijck entlijck, tot spijt van Watervliet, met juffrou van der Nisse sal gaen trouwe. Daermet is hij heel op sijn voerde[el] en dit houlijck wort van alle werelt seer geaprobeert. Men sekt sterck dat den heer van Langerack met de outste dochter van Ferens sal trouwen, die tot Mastricht woont en dat mijnheer Steyn Seulevelts daer 25.000 guldens daermet ten houlijck soude geve. Het wort voor seker gehouden, maer ick can dat niet wel gelove. Dat van Mijnheer de buurt sal nu sekerlijck voor Paese sijn voortgank hebben. En dat van de derde dochter van de vrou van Gouriaen wakt noch na de dispencij van de paus. Dat is al datter passeert dat tot mijn kennis is gecomen. En de president de Ruit gelooft me niet, dat dese avent halen sal, daertoe sych veel pretendente openbare, en aen ene Fugel die te Leyen woont, seer gegost wort. Maer [ick] vrees dat hij so gelukich niet sal sijn, terwijl die van Hollant ijmant van de hare wille daerin brenge.

Ick verloop mij, sal daermet besluyte, dat ick aen Mijnheer gesontheyt en patiencij en gedult toewense,  en dat ick altijt sal blijve, nadat ick hem een lang, gelucksalich niu jaer sal toegewenst sal hebben,
Mijnheer,
Uwed. ootmoedige ende dienstwillige dienerse
Lucia van Walta,
Dovergere van Sommelsdijck.

Lucia van Aerssen-Walta's letter to Constantijn Huygens, dated December 6, 1663

Source:

Briefwisseling van Constantijn Huygens

http://resources.huygens.knaw.nl/watermarker/media/huygens/original/transcriptieswalta.pdf?pos_x=10&pos_y=3&use_border=true&all_pages=true&color=20%2C20%2C20&text=%C2%A9+Huygens+ING-website%0Ap.+2%0Ahttp%3A%2F%2Fresources.huygens.knaw.nl%2Fbriefwisselingconstantijnhuygens%2Fbrief%2Fnr%2F6194&font_size=1.5%25

The letter:

Den 6 december [1663]
Mijnheer,
Alle uwe dienaere ende dienaresse, daer ick een van de prinsepaelste van sij, beklage seer uwe langdurige absensij en vrese met mij dat het noch na langer verblijf noch met onverrechtersaeke sult moete thuiscome, dat 2 vrouwe verbrot hebbe, so moetwillich, dat soude men Uw.d nu wel wille opleggen om dat te vereffene. De tijt sal alles lere. Mijn goede man saliger en hat daer geen opini van. Got geve Uw.d maer patiencij en gesontheyt, om sulcks af te wachte.

Uwe particulire affaire souden u sonder twijfel wel in De Hag vereyse en het soude een groote vreucht sijn onder het maegschap dat se daer enige hoop toe sagen, maer sij moete almede gedult hebben.

Ende terwijl dat Mijnheer daer is, so wort ick seer gesoliciteert van een van mijn dochters, die haer drouvich kleetsel van haer vader saliger sal moeten afleggen, om Mijnheer te bidde die goetheyt te hebben om voor haer eene rock, of om beter te seggen, stof tot een rock te koopen van gecoleurt, op de aldernieuste mode, mits datter bleu morant in coomt, want haer sinnelickeyt strekt tot het bleu mourant. En soude deze commissie aen nimant wille vertrouwe als aen Uw.de, die sich op alles so wel verstaet, en bij elckeen bekent is die weet wat de nieuste mode is. En als Uw.d die goetheyt sal gehat hebbe om die te kope, so bit sij, dat het doch met de aldereerste coches mocht cito cito op Brussel aen Madamoiselle Boudry mocht gesonden, met een letterke versoek aen haer, so het u belieft, sito aen ons te bestelle, anders het blijft so schriclijck lang onderweech. Oock wort er noch gebeden om enige staeltjes voer rocke en tabbers, en oock meteen of men de poins de Vinise die vray sijn en sterck voer een neusdoek om een civile prijs can hebbe. Oock wort er gebede of Mijnheer noch de goetheyt gelieft te hebbe om 12 steele aen de ronde wayers, die men voer het vier in de camers heeft, te senden. Men heeft er aen mijn soen 12 rondele gesonde en de stele hebben se vergete.

Versoeke gans dienstelijck, als dese complesses gedaen sijn, dat Mijnheer die daer gelieft te doen betale aan Van Gangel en sult hier wederom geve.

Ick bidde Uw.d, vergeeft mijn vrijmoedicheyt die ick neem. Ick sondige noch op uwe oude goetheyt t’onswaers en wenste maer occasij dat ick, doch onbequaam sijnde, het soude conne erkenne, ondertusse mij recommanderende in d’eer van uwe goede grasij sal ick blijve,
Mijnheer,
Uwed. ootmoedige ende dienstwilige dienarse
Lucia van Walta, Doverge van Sommelsdijck.

Lucia van Aerssen-Walta's letter to Constantijn Huygens, dated December 7, 1662

Source:

Briefwisseling van Constantijn Huygens, edited by J.A. Worp

http://resources.huygens.knaw.nl/retroboeken/huygens/#source=28&page=541&view=imagePane

The letter (shortened transcript):

Och mijnheer! watten verlies heb ick gedaen, och watten verlies heb ick gedaen, hoe sal ick het overcomen. Mijn man was geheel bij zijn verstand, toen hij stierf. De heer de Beringhen is kort voor zijn dood nog bij hem geweest. Wat moet ik beginnen? Oock ben ick het alles quyt, myn hoop, myn troost, myn raet, myn geselschap, myn al, met een woort geseyt, en de eer van t huis; maer hebben wy hem lief gehat, de goede Got heeft hem noch liver gehat, dat hy hem tot hem heeft gelive te hebben, om misschien van meer swaricheyt en ongeval te verhoede. Ik hoop, dat gij uwe vriendschap voor mijn echtgenoot zult overbrengen op, myn ende alle de myne, principael myne enigen soon. Ut den Hag, den 7 Desember (1662).

Wednesday, August 19, 2020

Sara van der Meulen's letter to Daniel van der Meulen, dated October 29, 1584

Source:

Brieven en andere bescheiden betreffende Daniel van der Meulen 1584-1600, edited by Gisela Jongbloet-Van Houtte

http://resources.huygens.knaw.nl/retroboeken/meulen/#page=224&accessor=toc&source=1

The letter:

Den eersaemen, seer voorsienige Sr. Daniel vander Meulen tot den huyse van Jacop Schot. Delft.

Antwerpen, 29 oktober 1584
Eersaeme gonstighe seer lieve broeder, Alsoo wij op heden, door onsen neve Phlips de Hoest alsoock tevoren door Uwe brieven die jonger waeren, van Uwe gesontheyt verstaen hebben sijn wij daerdoor verblijdt geweest. Bidden den Heere U lange daerinne te gespaeren. Wij alhier met saemen onse seer lieve moeder sijn oock Godt loff in redelijck goeden doene wtgenomen onse lieve suster Marie; die is noch al inden selven droeven staedt als doen U. L. van hier trock ende de hope tot  verlichtinge is seer cleyne wandt iegelijck oordeelt haere sieckte voor een rechte teiringe. Sij swackt alle daege ende de borst benaut haer soo, dat somwijlen schijnt dat sij geenen adem crijgen en can. De medecijnen seggen dat het door de loose compt, welcke aen de vleugelen verdroocht ende daerdoor alsoo opwaerdts stijget.

Over drij daegen, gelijck sij dicwils beuckachtich is, alsoo oock doen ende inde plaetse dat andermaelen wit schuym is dat se overgeeft, alsoo spoudense doen wel eenen lepel vol claer bloedt. Juffrou van Hoorne quam haer besoecken soo dat geschiede, ende die vertrock ons van haeren broeder, welcken overlede van deselve sieckte teweten een teiringe, als hij dat even dat bloetspouwen drijmael hadde vóór sijn overlijden. De Heere wil onse lieve suster geven wat haer aldersalichst is. Het staet al in Sijnen handen maer het is droeflijck aen te sien soo langhen sieckte insonderheyt aen die men soo lieff heeft; jae mij en dunckt niet, dat die het niet aen en gaet oft noyt geproeft en hebben, bedencken connen wat grooter hertenleedt dattet is. Doch soo moeten wij ons alle den wille Gods onderworpen ende de verstandighe leeren haer daerinne schicken wandt Hij ons alle naer Sijne wijsheydt regiert ende weet alleen wat ons van noode is.

Voorder, lieve broeder, verstaen wij dat U. L. van meyninge is corts herwaerdts te comen, welck onse lieve moeder geensins geraeden en vindt, insonderheyt soo lange als ghij Uwe voorgenomen saecke niet ten effecte gebrocht en hebt. Raedet U daerom niet te comen maer U doch daer te houden totten wtganck dier saecken. Tot dien eynde seynden oft hebben wij op eergisteren gesonden per schipper Geert Janssen, die se noemen den Admirael, een coffer opdat U. L. daermede geaccomodeert mocht wesen om U cleederen, aldaer sijnde, te sluyten. Daer is inne, als U. L. in dese bijleggende memorie sien mach. U believe 't gene dat wij genaeyt hebben niet te ontdoene maer alsoo in 't coffer te laeten leggen want d'eene compt monfrer Andries ende Pierens toe, ende d'ander hoewel dat U. L. hemden ende snutdoecken sijn, soo laet se nochtans alsoo bijeen wandt het is beter dat Lodewijck die ander, die U. L. daer heeft, soo vele te dickwilder doen wasschen; soo een worter geen aff verloren. U believe Lodewijck oock te seggen dat bij de snutdoecken die U. L. mede droech eenen meer is dan hij op sijn memorie heeft, welcken was in den sack van U. L. geusbocxen blijven steken. De sleutels totte kiste sijn dese innegesloten. De moetsen, oft iedt dat U. L. niet te gebruycken en heeft, mach U. L. in 't malet sluyten om alsoo het coffer te bequaemer te mogen gebruycken.

Daer is een cleyn cofferken in, massoeur Susanna toebehoorende, welck U. L. mach nicht Schot in haere bewaeringe geven. Oock isser inne een platte doose, sijnde de brieven vande geestelijcke goederen. U. L. mach die cousijn Schot geven op te sluyten indien het U goet dunckt. In de doose metten hoet, die ick voor U. L. hebbe laeten maecken, leyt eenen brieff. U believe die Lodewijc te doen bestellen.

Niets anders op dese tijdt dan, bevelende U in de bescherminge des Heere, bidde Hem U mijn lieve broeder te geven in gesontheyt een lanck gelucksalich leven ende het volbrengen Uwer goeder begeirten. Onse seer lieve moeder ende onse susteren, insonderheyt onse suster Marie, doen U seer groeten. Monfrer is in den Breeden Raet ende en weet van brenger deses niet. U believe ons groete aen de vrinden aldaer niet te vergeten ende wilt de mijne t'Uwaerts ontfangen als van die haer geheel herte ende al wat sij heeft voor U is.
In Antwerpen addi 29en october anno 1584,
de al Uwe dinstwillige suster wat ick vermach
Sara van der Meulen

Anna van der Meulen's letter to Maria van der Meulen, dated September 7, 1584

Source:

Brieven en andere bescheiden betreffende Daniel van der Meulen 1584-1600, edited by Gisela Jongbloet-Van Houtte

http://resources.huygens.knaw.nl/retroboeken/meulen/#source=1&page=524&accessor=toc

The letter:

Aen de wijse ende eerbare jonfrou jonfwrau ende jongedochter, mijn seer lieve suster tot Antwerpen.

Frankfurt, 7 september 1584
Mijn seer lieve ende uutverkorren suster Maria, ick ghebiede mij van ghehelder herte tuwaert. Ick wense U. L. wrede van Godt den Vader doer onsen Heere Jsom Kristom. Ick late U weten dat ick al wel te passe ben, desgelijckx och mijnnen lieven man ende onse lieve kinderkens. Wilde wel, seer lieve suster, dat also met U. L. ock warre dan ick hebbe met grooter drofheyt uut ons broeders schrijven vernommen dat U. L. seer swack ende kranck sijt. Mijn hertte is soe seer bij U. mijn wyrde suster, dat ick somttijs met goeder herten teghens mijnnen mans segghe, wan hij mij toelaten wielde te treckken, ick en soude ghen perryckelen aensien om bij U. L. te komen, mijn ghewenste suster. Nu den tijt en wiel alsuelcke niet lijden. Als ist bijaldien dat wij met den lichamme verschijden sijn, soe is mijn gemoet ende hertte altijt bij U. L. daert tot ghennen daghe van gheschijden en sal sijn.

Soe, mijn lieve wyrde suster, nu het den Herre belieft heft U vaderlijck te besoeken, soe bidde ick U. L. vriendelijck, mijn uutverkorren suster, nemmet doch also met ghedult aen ende mackt doch eenen goden moet want ghij sijt doch verserkert dat de Herre sijnne kienderen niet toe en schieckt tensij dan haer ten besten ende tot haerder sallichheyt ende Hij kastijt een igelijcken soen dien Hij aennemt. Soe mijn lieve suster sijt wast versekkerd dat U de Herre lief heft ende dat ghij ghewisselijck een van sijn uutwerkorren kienderen sijt hoewel, seer lieve suster, dat ick wel wet dat het den wlechse swaer valt. Ick bidde den Herre dat Hij au afnemen wiel dat U te swaer is, bevelende U. L., mijn seer wyrde suster, in Goddes bewaringhe, Hem biddende U. L. gesontheyt te gheven soe Hij wet dattet U salich is. U. L. believe mijnne hertgrondieghe rekommandacie te doen aen onse seer lieve eerwyrdieghe moeder, broeders ende susters met samt aen onsen lieven soen.
Uut Franckfoert desen 7en september anno 1584,
U. L. dienstwiellieghe traue suster
Anna van der Molen

Bess of Hardwick's letter to Francis Whitfield, dated November 14, 1552

Source:

https://www.bessofhardwick.org/letter.jsp?letter=99


Above: Bess of Hardwick, painted by Rowland Lockey.

Elizabeth Cavendish, later Elizabeth Talbot, Countess of Shrewsbury (born circa 1527, died February 13, 1608), known as Bess of Hardwick (née Elizabeth Hardwick), of Hardwick Hall in Derbyshire, was a notable figure of Elizabethan English society. By a series of well-made marriages, she rose to the highest levels of English nobility and became enormously wealthy. Bess was a shrewd business woman, increasing her assets with business interests including mines and glass-making workshops.

She was married four times. Her first husband was Robert Barlow, who died aged about 14 or 15 on 24 December 1544. Her second husband was the courtier Sir William Cavendish. Her third husband was Sir William St Loe. Her last husband was George Talbot, 6th Earl of Shrewsbury, sometime keeper to the captive Mary, Queen of Scots. An accomplished needlewoman, Bess joined her husband's captive charge at Chatsworth House for extended periods in 1569, 1570, and 1571, during which time they worked together on the Oxburgh Hangings.

In 1601, Bess ordered an inventory of the household furnishings, including textiles, at her three properties at Chatsworth, Hardwick, and Chelsea, which survives. In her will she bequeathed these items to her heirs to be preserved in perpetuity. The 400-year-old collection, now known as the Hardwick Hall textiles, is the largest collection of tapestry, embroidery, canvaswork, and other textiles to have been preserved by a single private family. Bess is also well known for her building projects, the most famous of which are Chatsworth, now the seat of the Dukes of Devonshire (whose family name is Cavendish as they descend from the children of her second marriage), and Hardwick Hall.

In this letter, Bess writes to her servant Francis Whitfield concerning the management of Chatsworth, and asks him to look after everything until her aunt (Marcella Linacre) arrives. Among her instructions to Whitfield are that he is to take only wooden 'cleats or boards' not needed for the ongoing building works at Chatsworth; to brew beer, especifically for her and her husband William Cavendish; to repair her bedroom; and to pay her midwife. She also reprimands him for not supplying her sister Jane (née Hardwick) with 'things needful for her'.

The letter:

To my sa[rvant] francys wytfelde [delive]r thys at chattysw[orth]e
for the myller for taking shepe for taking Coll woodes for Capons to be fatt for swyne/ for the hard Cornefeldes for a pynder

francys I haue spoken with your mayste[r] for the clyltes or bordes that you wrete to me of and he ys contente that you shall take some for your nesecyte in the aponntemente of neusante. so that you take seche as wyll do hyme no saruese aboute hys byldynge at chattysworthe. I pray you loke well to all thynges at chattysworthe tyll my auntes comynge whome whyche I hope shalbe shortely and yn the meane tyme cause bronshawe to loke to the smethes and all other thynges at penteryge lete the brewar make bere for me fourthewith for my owne drynkyng and your mayster and se that I haue good store of yet for yf I lacke ether good bere, or charcole or wode I wyll blame nobody so meche as I wyll do you. cause the flore yn my bede chamber to be made euen ether with plaster claye or lyme and al the wyndoyes were the glase ys broken to be mended and al the chambers to be made as close and warme as you cane. I here that my syster Iane cane not haue thynges that ys nedefoulle for hare to haue amowngste you yf yet be trewe you lacke agreat of honyste as well as dyscrescyon to deny hare any thynge that she hathe amynde to beynge yn case as she hathe bene. I wolde be lothe to haue any stranger so yoused yn my howse and then assure your selfe I cane not lyke yet to haue my syster so yousede. lyke as I wolde not haue any superfleuete or waste of any thynge. so lyke wysse wolde I haue hare to haue that whyche ys nedefoulle and nesesary. at my comynge whome I shal knowe more. and then I wyll thynke as I shall haue cause. I wolde haue you to geue to my mydwyffe frome me and frome my boye wylle. and to my syster norse frome me and my boye as hereafter folowyet fyrste to the mydwyfe frome me tene shyllynges. and frome wylle fyue shyllynges. to the norse frome me fyue shyllynges. and frome my boye iij fore pence. so that yn the wolle you mouste geue to them twenty thre shyllynges and fore pence make my syster Iane preuye of yet and then paye yet to them fow[rth] with yf you haue noother money take so meche of the rente at penteryge tyll my syster Iane that I wyll geue my dowter somethynge at my comyng whome and prayinge you not to fayle to se all thynges done accordyngely I bede you fare well frome london the xiiij of nouember
your mystrys
Elyzabethe Cauendyssh

tyll Iames crompe that I haue resauyed the fyue ponde and ixs that he sente me by heue alsope

Sarah Churchill's letter to Queen Anne, dated October 20, 1706

Source:

Private correspondence of Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough: illustrative of the court and times of Queen Anne, volume 1, H. Colburn, London, 1838

https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=wu.89073382673&view=1up&seq=103


Above: Sarah Churchill, Duchess of Marlborough, painted after Sir Godfrey Kneller.


Above: Queen Anne, painted by Charles Jervas after Sir Godfrey Kneller.

The letter:

Sunday Morning, Oct. 20, 1706.
I must, in the first place, beg leave to remind you of the name of Mrs. Morley and your faithful Freeman, because without that help I shall not be well able to bring out what I have to say, it is so awkward to write any thing of this kind in the style of an address, tho' none, I am sure, ever came from a purer heart, nor that can be the tenth part so serviceable to you, if you please, because they are generally meant for compliment, which people in Mrs. Morley's post never want, though very often it turns to their own prejudice. What I have to say is of another nature; I will tell you the greatest truths in the world, which seldom succeeds with any body so well as flattery. Ever since I received the enclosed letter from Mr. Freeman, I have been in dispute with myself, whether I should send it Mrs. Morley or not, because his opinion is no news to you; and after the great discouragements I have met with only for being faithful to you, I concluded it was to no manner of purpose to trouble you any more; but reading the letter over and over, and finding that he is convinced he must quit Mrs. Morley's service if she will not be made sensible of the condition she is in, I have at last resolved to send it you, and you will see by it how full of gratitude Mr. Freeman is, by his expressions, which were never meant for Mrs. Morley to see. He is resolved to venture his life and fortune whenever it can be of use to you; and upon recalling every thing to my memory, that may fill my heart with all that passion and tenderness I had once for Mrs. Morley's, I do solemnly protest I think I can no ways return what I owe her so well as by being honest and plain. As one mark of it, I desire you would reflect whether you have never heard that the greatest misfortunes that ever has happened to any of your family, has not been occasioned by having ill advice, and an obstinacy in their tempers - - - - - that is very unaccountable. Though 'tis likely nobody has even spoke thoroughly to you ever upon those just misfortunes, I fear there is reason to apprehend there is nothing of this in the case of Mrs. Morley, since she has never been able to answer any argument, or to say any thing that has the least colour of reason in it, and yet will not be advised by those that have given the greatest demonstrations imaginable of being in her interest. I can remember a time when she was willing to take advice, and loved those that spoke freely to her, and that is not five years ago; and is it possible, that when you seriously reflect, that you can believe you can do the business upon your hands without it? Can flatteries in so short a time have such power? or can you think it is safer to take it from those you have little or no experience of, than from those that have raised your glory higher than was ever expected? And let people talk what they please of luck, I am persuaded whoever governs with the best sense, will be the most fortunate princes.

I am sure this letter will surprise Mrs. Morley, who, I believe, was in hopes she had got quite rid of me, and should never have heard from me again upon any such subject; but instead of that I have ventured to tell you, you have a fault. There is no perfection in this world; and whoever will be honest upon that subject, does one in Mrs. Morley's circumstances more service than in venturing a hundred lives for her; and if I had as many, I am sure I could freely hazard them all to convince her (though used as I don't care to repeat), that she never had a more faithful servant.

I beg you will be pleased to let me have this letter again, as well as Mr. Freeman's, because I have some reason to think Mrs. Morley will dislike this letter, as she has done many not written with quite so much freedom, and will accuse me to Mr. Freeman and Mr. Montgomery, without saying what is my fault, which has been often done; and having no copy of this letter, I would have it to shew them, in my own vindication; for nothing sets more heavy upon me than to be thought in the wrong to Mrs. Morley, who I have made the best return to that any mortal ever did; and what I have done has rarely been seen but upon a stage, every body having some weakness or passion, which is generally watched or humoured in Mrs. Morley's place, most people liking better to do themselves good than really to serve another; but I have more satisfaction in losing Mrs. Morley's favour upon that principle, than any mercenary courtier ever had in the greatest riches that has been given; and though I can't preserve your kindness, you can't hinder me from endeavouring to deserve it, by all the ways that are in my power.

Endorsed by the Duchess. — My letter to Mrs. Morley, which you should read before hers.

Note: Mrs. Morley was the nickname for Anne and Mrs. Freeman was the nickname for Sarah in their correspondence. Mr. Montgomery was their nickname for Lord Godolphin.

Queen Anne's letter to Sarah Churchill, Duchess of Marlborough, dated July 17, 1706

Source:

Private correspondence of Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough: illustrative of the court and times of Queen Anne, volume 1, H. Colburn, London, 1838

https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=wu.89073382673&view=1up&seq=88


Above: Queen Anne, engraving by Robert White.


Above: Sarah Churchill, Duchess of Marlborough, engraving by Sir Godfrey Kneller.

The letter:

Windsor, July 17, 1706.
I had last night the satisfaction of hearing from my dear Mrs. Freeman by my Lord Fitzroy, and should have thanked you for it then, but that I did not receive it till after I came from taking the air, which was too late to begin to write before I went to supper, and afterwards it is not really easy for me to do it. I cannot say so much to you as I would, but must answer that part of your last letter that concerns my Lord Keeper and his livings. I have a very good opinion of him, and would depend upon his recommendation on any occasion than most people's. But as to this particular, I think the Crown can never have too many livings at its disposal; and therefore, though there may be some trouble in it, it is a power I can never think reasonable to part with; and I hope those that come after me will be of the same mind. I own I have been very much to blame in being so long disposing of those livings; but when these are filled up, there shall be no more complaints of me on that account. You wrong me very much in thinking that I am influenced by some you mention in disposing of church preferments. Ask those who I am sure you will believe, though you won't me, and they can tell you I never disposed of any without advising to them, and that I have preferred more people upon other's recommendations, than I have upon his that you fancy to have so much power with me. You have reason to wonder there is no more changes made yet; but I hope, in a little time, Mr. Morley and I shall redeem our credit with you at least in that matter, which is all I can now trouble my dear Mrs. Freeman with, but that her poor unfortunate Morley will be faithfully yours to her last moment.

Remark by the Duchess. — This letter was in answer to one I had written to beg of her not to be so long before she disposed of the livings to the clergy, adding how safely she might put power into the hands of such a man as my Lord Cowper.

Note: Mrs. Freeman was Anne's nickname for Sarah, and Mrs. Morley was Anne's nickname for herself in her correspondence with Sarah.