Sunday, February 28, 2021

Maria Theresa of Spain's letter to her soon-to-be mother-in-law Anne of Austria, Queen Regent of France, dated March 26, 1660

Source:

Mademoiselle de La Vallière et Marie-Thérèse d'Autriche, femme de Louis XIV: avec pièces et documents inédits, Volume 1, pages 27 and 28, compiled by Henri Duclos, 1890



Above: Maria Theresa of Spain, queen consort of France, painted by Charles and Henri Beaubrun.


Above: Anne of Austria, queen regent of France, painted by Charles and Henri Beaubrun.

Maria Theresa of Spain (born September 10, 1638, died July 30, 1683) was by birth Infanta of Spain and Portugal until 1640 and Archduchess of Austria as a member of the Spanish branch of the House of Habsburg and by marriage Queen of France.

Her marriage in 1660 to King Louis XIV, her double first cousin, was made with the purpose of ending the lengthy war between France and Spain. Famed for her virtue and piety, she saw five of her six children die in early childhood, and is frequently viewed as an object of pity in historical accounts of her husband's reign, since she was often neglected by the court.

Without any political influence in the French court or government (except briefly in 1672, when she was named regent during her husband's absence during the Franco-Dutch War), she died at the early age of 44 from complications of an abscess on her arm.

Her grandson Philip V inherited the Spanish throne in 1700 after the death of her half-brother Charles II and the War of the Spanish Succession, founding the Spanish branch of the House of Bourbon, which has reigned with some interruption to this day.

The letter:

Señora,
Jva mi de mi padre he tanido la falta del duque de Orlieans mi tio que este en el cielo y quando no hubiera tanta razen en sus obligaciones para mi sentimiento en qualquera de V. Mag. assiste mi deber rad con toda la correspondencia que denq al cariño de su fineza de V. Mag. en hazerme merzed. el mio dura lo que la vida deseando se la de dios à V. Mag. los muchos años que ha menester. de Madrid 26 de Marzo 1660.
Buena sobrina de V. Mag.
MARAI TERESSA.

French translation (by Duclos):

MADAME, j'ai appris par mon père la nouvelle de la mort du duc d'Orléans, mon oncle (que Dieu l'ait dans sa sainte gloire). J'ai bien des raisons pour déplorer cet événement: mais la peine que cette mort a dû causer à Vos Majestés, est pour moi un motif nouveau, considérable pour la regretter. Car mon cœur, infiniment touché de vos bontés, ne peut que ressentir doublement les peines que vous éprouvez. Je ne pourrai de ma vie oublier ce que je vous dois (le mariage), et je prie Dieu de daigner nous conserver longtemps la précieuse vie de Votre Majesté, particulièrement chère à votre nièce. — MARIE-THÉRÈSE. — Madrid, mars 1660.

English translation (my own):

Madame,
I have learned from my father the news of the death of the Duke of Orleans, my uncle (may God have him in His holy glory). I have many reasons for deploring this event, but the pain which this death must have caused Your Majesties is for me a new and considerable reason for regretting it. For my heart, infinitely touched by your kindness, can only doubly feel the sorrows you are experiencing. I will not be able with my life to forget what I owe you [the marriage], and I pray God to deign to preserve for a long time the precious life of Your Majesty, particularly dear to your niece.
Maria Theresa.
Madrid, March 26, 1660.

Madame de Maintenon's letter to Marie Fouquet, dated May 25, 1658

Source:

Lettres de Madame de Maintenon, volume 1, 1757


The letter:

Paris, 25 mai 1658.
Madame, je ne vous importunerai plus de l'affaire des déchargeurs; elle est heureusement terminée par la protection de ce héros, auquel nous devons tout, et que vous avez le plaisir d'aimer. Le prevôt des marchands a entendu raison, dès qu'il a entendu le grand nom de Mr. Fouquet. Je vous supplie, madame, de trouver bon que j'aille vous remercier à Vaux. Madame de Vassé m'a assurée que vous me continuez vos bontés, et que vous ne me trouveriez pas de trop dans ces allées, où l'on pense avec tant de raison, où l'on badine avec tant de grace.

English translation (my own):

Paris, May 25, 1658.
Madame, I will no longer bother you with the affair of the unloaders; it is fortunately ended with the protection of this hero, to whom we owe everything and whom you have the pleasure of loving. The provost of the merchants heard reason as soon as he heard the great name of Monsieur Fouquet. I beg you, Madame, to find it good that I go and thank you in Vaux. Madame de Vassé has assured me that you will continue your kindness to me and that you will not find me too much in those alleys where people think with so much reason, where they joke with so much grace.

Madame de Sévigné's letter to Roger de Rabutin, Comte de Bussy, dated August 28, 1668

Sources:

Lettres, compiled by Hachette Monmerqué, 1862



Above: Madame Marie de Rabutin-Chantal, Marquise de Sévigné, painted by Claude Lefèbvre.


Above: Roger de Rabutin, Comte de Bussy, painted by Claude Lefèbvre.

The letter:

À Paris, ce 28e août 1668.
Encore un petit mot, et puis plus: c'est pour commencer une manière de duplique à votre réplique.

Où diantre vouliez-vous que je trouvasse douze ou quinze mille francs? Les avois-je dans ma cassette? Les trouve-t-on dans la bourse de ses amis? Ne m'allez point dire qu'ils étoient dans celle du surintendant: je n'y ai jamais rien voulu chercher ni trouver; et à moins donc que l'abbé de Coulanges ne m'eût cautionnée, je n'aurois pas trouvé un quart d'écu, et lui ne le vouloit pas sans cette sûreté de Bourgogne, ou nécessaire ou inutile: tant y a qu'il la vouloit; et pour moi, je fus au désespoir de n'avoir pu vous faire ce plaisir. Mais enfin voilà ce chien de portrait fait et parfait. La joie d'avoir si bien réussi, et d'être approuvé, vous fit trouver que j'avois tous les torts du monde, et vous les augmentâtes beaucoup par l'envie de vous ôter tous les remords. Mme de Montglas vous oblige donc de le rompre, et puis son mari rejoint tous les morceaux ensemble, et il le ressuscite. Quelle niaiserie me contez-vous là? Est-ce lui qui est cause que vous le placez dans un des principaux endroits de votre histoire? Eh bien, s'il vous l'avoit rendu, vous n'aviez qu'à le remettre dans votre cassette, et ne le point mettre en œuvre comme vous avez fait: il n'auroit pas été entre les mains de Mme de la Baume, ni traduit en toutes les langues. Ne me dites point que c'est la faute d'un autre, cela n'est point vrai, c'est la vôtre purement; c'est sur cela que je vous donnerois un beau soufflet, si j'avois l'honneur d'être auprès de vous, et que vous me vinssiez conter ces lanternes. C'est ma grande douleur: c'est de m'être remise avec vous de bonne foi, pendant que vous m'aviez livrée entre les mains des brigands, c'est-à-dire de Mme de la Baume; et vous savez bien même qu'après notre paix vous eûtes besoin d'argent; je vous donnai une procuration pour en emprunter, et n'en ayant pu trouver, je vous fis prêter sur mon billet deux cents pistoles de M. le Maigre, que vous lui avez bien rendues. Quant à ce que vous dites, que d'abord que j'eus vu mon portrait, je vous revis, et ne parus point en colère, ne vous y trompez pas, Monsieur le Comte, j'étois outrée; j'en passois les nuits entières sans dormir. Il est vrai que, soit que je vous visse accablé d'affaires plus importantes que celles-là, soit que j'espérasse que la chose ne deviendroit pas publique, je n'éclatai point en reproches contre vous. Mais quand je me vis donnée au public, et répandue dans les provinces, je vous avoue que je fus au désespoir, et que ne vous voyant plus pour réveiller mes foiblesses, et mes anciennes tendresses pour vous, je m'abandonnai à une sécheresse de cœur qui ne me permit pas de faire autre chose pendant votre prison que ce que je fis: je trouvois encore que c'étoit beaucoup. Quand vous sortîtes, vous me l'envoyâtes dire avec confiance; cela me toucha: bon sang ne peut mentir; le temps avoit un peu adouci ma première douleur; vous savez le reste. Je ne vous dis point maintenant comment vous êtes avec moi; le monde me jetteroit des pierres, si je faisois de plus grandes démonstrations. Je voudrois qu'à cela près vous fussiez en état par votre présence de me redonner encore la qualité de votre dupe. Mais sans pousser cet endroit plus loin, je vous dirai pour la dernière fois que je ne vous donne pour pénitence, c'est-à-dire pour supplice, que de méditer sur toute l'amitié que j'ai toujours eue pour vous, sur mon innocence à l'égard de cette première offense prétendue, sur toute ma confiance après notre raccommodement, qui me faisoit rire de ceux qui me donnoient de bons avis, et sur les crapauds et les coulevres que vous nourrissiez contre moi pendant ce temps-là, et qui sont écloses heureusement par Mme de la Baume. Basta, je finis ici le procès.

Pour la plaisanterie des corniches, je n'y veux pas entrer. Je crois qu'on me doit être obligé de cette retenue, et encore plus de vouloir bien traiter de diminutif une chose qui pourroit l'être de superlatif.

J'ai reçu ce que vous m'avez envoyé touchant notre maison; je suis entêtée de cette folie. M. de Caumartin est très-curieux de ces recherches. Il y a plaisir en ces occasions de ne rien oublier, elles ne se rencontrent pas tous les jours. M. l'abbé de Coulanges verra M. du Bouchet, et moi j'écrirai aux Rabutins de Champagne, afin de rassembler tous nos papiers. Écrivez-lui aussi qu'il m'envoie l'inventaire de ce qu'il a; mon oncle l'abbé en a aussi quelques-uns. Il y a plaisir d'étaler une bonne chevalerie, quand on y est obligé.

La plus jolie fille de France est plus digne que jamais de votre estime, et de votre amitié; elle vous fait des compliments. Sa destinée est si difficile à comprendre que pour moi je m'y perds.

Je crois que vous ne savez pas que mon fils est allé en Candie avec M. de Roannès et le comte de Saint-Paul. Cette fantaisie lui est entrée fortement dans la tête. Il l'a dit à M. de Turenne, au cardinal de Retz, à M. de la Rouchefoucauld: voyez quels personnages. Tous ces messieurs l'ont tellement approuvé, que la chose a été résolue et répandue avant que j'en susse rien. Enfin il est parti: j'en ai pleuré amèrement, j'en suis sensiblement affligée; je n'aurai pas un moment de repos pendant tout ce voyage. J'en vois tous les périls, j'en suis morte; mais enfin je n'en ai pas été la maîtresse; et dans ces occasions-là les mères n'ont as beaucoup de voix au chapitre. Adieu, Comte, je suis lasse d'écrire, et non pas de lire tous les endroits tendres et obligeants que vous avez semés dans votre lettre: rien n'est perdu avec moi.

English translation (my own):

Paris, August 28, 1668.
One more note, and then more: to begin with, it is a way of duplicating your reply.

Where on earth did you want me to find twelve or fifteen thousand francs? Do I have them in my cassette? Can you find them in your friends' purses? Do not tell me that they were in that of the superintendent, I never wanted to seek or find anything there; and unless therefore the Abbé de Coulanges had guaranteed me, I would not have found a quarter of a crown, and he would not want it without this Burgundy security, either necessary or useless: as long as he wanted it; and for my part, I was in despair at not having been able to give you this pleasure. But finally here is this portrait dog, done and perfect. The joy of having succeeded so well, and of being approved, made you find that I had all the wrongs in the world, and you greatly increased them by the desire to take away all the remorse. Madame de Montglas therefore forces you to break it, and then her husband joins all the pieces together, and he resuscitates him. What silliness are you telling me there? Is it he who is causing you to place him in one of the main places in your story? Well, if he had returned it to you, all you had to do was put it back in your cassette, and not implement it as you did; it would not have been in the hands of Madame de la Baume, nor translated into all languages. Do not tell me that it is someone else's fault, that is not true, it is purely yours; it is on this that I would give you a fine bellow if I had the honour of being near you, and if you came to tell me these lanterns. It is my great sorrow, it is to have returned to you in good faith, while you had delivered me into the hands of brigands, that is to say, of Madame de la Baume; and you know very well that after our peace you needed money; I gave you authority to borrow some, and not being able to find any, I lent you from my bill two hundred pistoles from Monsieur le Maigre, which you have indeed returned to him. As for what you say, that first that I saw my portrait, I saw you again, and did not appear angry, do not be mistaken, Monsieur le Comte, I was outraged; I spent whole nights without sleeping. It is true that, either because I saw you overwhelmed with matters more important than these, or because I hoped that the matter would not become public, I did not burst out in reproach against you. But when I saw myself given to the public, and spread in the provinces, I confess that I was in despair, and that no longer seeing you to awaken my weaknesses, and my old tenderness for you, I abandoned myself to a drought of heart that did not allow me to do anything else during your imprisonment than what I did. I still found that it was a lot. When you went out, you sent it to me with confidence; it touched me: damn it can't lie; time had softened my first pain a little; you know the rest. I am not telling you now how you are with me, the world would throw stones at me if I made greater demonstrations. I would like that except that you were in a state by your presence to give me again the quality of your dupe. But without pushing this place any further, I will tell you for the last time that I only give you for penance, that is to say for torture, to meditate on all the friendship I have always had for you, on my innocence with regard to this first alleged offense, on all my confidence after our mending, which made me laugh at those who gave me good advice, and on the toads and the pigs that you fed against me during this time there, and which were happily hatched by Madame de la Baume. Basta, I am ending the trial here.

For the joke of the cornices, I don't want to go in. I believe that I owe this restraint, and even more so, to treat as diminutive something which could be superlative.

I received what you sent me concerning our house; I am stubborn about this madness. Monsieur de Caumartin is very curious about this research. There is pleasure on these occasions not to forget anything, they do not meet every day. Monsieur the Abbé de Coulanges will see Monsieur du Bouchet, and I will write to the Rabutins of Champagne in order to collect all our papers. Also write to him to send me the inventory of what he has; my uncle the Abbot also has a few. It is a pleasure to display a good chivalry, when you have to.

The prettiest girl in France is more worthy than ever of your esteem and your friendship; she gives you compliments. Her destiny is so difficult to understand that for me I get lost in it.

I don't think you know that my son went to Candia with Monsieur de Roannès and the Comte de Saint-Paul. This fantasy entered her head strongly. He said it to Monsieur de Turenne, to Cardinal de Retz, to Monsieur de la Rouchefoucauld; see what characters. All these gentlemen approved of it so much that it was resolved and spread before I knew anything about it. Finally he left. I wept bitterly, I am noticeably distressed; I will not have a moment's rest during this whole trip. I see all the dangers, I am dead; but in the end I was not its mistress; and on these occasions mothers do not have much voice. Farewell, Count, I am tired of writing, and not of reading all the tender and obliging places you have sown in your letter; nothing is lost with me.

Kirsten Røyem's letter to her late husband Iver Huitfeldt's superiors, dated April 3, 1711

Source:

Danske magazin: indeholdende bidrag til den danske histories oplysning, Volumes 1-2, 1889


The letter:

Høyædle Velbaarne Velædle Velb:r Herrer
Jeg finder mig høyst forbunden dennem samptligen allerydmygeligst at tache for deris høye gunst imod mig fattige Enche, at ieg efter min allerunderdanigste andsøgning hafuer nøt fuldkommen afregning og betalning for min Sal. Mands till staaende Gage, og som nu intet videre till bage staar end een øndschelig rigtighed for den træ last, som min Sal. Mand in Maio A. 1710 ved 3de nedførte schibsladninger til hans Kongl. Mayt:s tieniste hafuer lefueret, som de høye herrer vel self er vidende, saa vel som afregning for de kost penge, som min Sal. Mand for spisningen i Cahyten paa schibet Dannebroge till kommer, saa hafuer ieg derom allerunderdanigst Supliceret till hans Kongl. Mayt:st, hor fore ieg her allerydmygst beder de samptlig høye herrer vilde høygunsteligen behage ved deris høye Recommendation forhielpe mig till denne begierte rigtighed, huorved endnu forhaabentlig noget maatte ofuer schyde till min Sal. Mands Creditorers afbetalning, ieg forventer herudinden deris høye formaaende Assistence; ieg forblifuer
Høyædle Velbaarne herrer
Deris allerydmygste tienerinde
Sal. Jfuer Huitfeldts Encke
Kiersten Røyem.

Tronstagaard
d. 3 April A. 1711.

Wednesday, February 24, 2021

Marie Antoinette's letter to her mother the Holy Roman Empress Maria Theresa, dated July 9, 1770

Source:

Maria-Theresia und Marie-Antoinette, Ihr Briefwechsel während der Jahre 1770-1780, published by Alfred Ritter von Arneth, 1865



Above: Marie Antoinette, painted after François-Hubert Drouais.


Above: Maria Theresa, Holy Roman Empress, artist unknown.

The letter:

ce 9 Juillet 1770.
Madame ma tres chere Mere. Ayant apris que le courier devoit partire apres demain et que nous partons demain pour Choissy je n'ai pas voulu attendre les lettres que Mercy doit m'apporter ce soir de peur de n'avoir pas le temps de repondre ainssi je me le reserve pour une autre occasion.

Nous partont donc demain 10. pour Choissi et nous en reviendrons le 13 pour aller à Bellvue le 17: et le 18 a Compiegne ou nous restont jusqu'au 28 d'Aoust et dela pour quelque jours à Chantilly. le Roi a mille bontes pour moi et je l'aime tendrement mais s'est a faire pitie la foiblesse qu'il a pour Md. du Barry qui est la plus sotte et impertinant creature qui soit imaginable. elle a jouë tous les soirs avec nous a Marly elle s'est trouve deux fois a cotes de moi mais elle ne ma point parle et je n'ai point tachee justement de lié conversation avec elle mais quand il le faloit je lui ai pourtant parle. pour mon cher Mary il est change de beaucoup et tout a son avantage, il marque beaucoup d'amitie pour moi et même il commence a marquer de la confiance. il n'aime certainement point Mr. de la Vauguyon mais il le craint il lui est arrive une singulier histoire l'autre jour. j'étoit seule avec mon Mary lorsque M. de la Vauguyon apporche d'un pas precipite a la porte pour ecouter. un valet de Chambre qui est sot ou tres honnete homme ouvre la porte et M. le duc si trouve planté comme un piqué sans pouvoir reculé lorsse je fit remarquer a mon Mary l'inconvenient qu'il y a de laisser ecouter au porte et il la tres bien prisse. Comme j'ai promisse a Votre Majesté de lui dire la moindre indisposition je lui dirai donc que j'ai eu un peu de devoiment mais la diette la fait finire, mon Mary a eu en meme temps une indigestion mais cela ne la pas empeché d'aller a la chasse. J'ai aujourd'hui un grand embaras. Je me confesserai à 5 heure a l'abbée Modoux Mercy et l'abbée m'ayant conseilie de le prendre je n'ai point douté que vous en serez contente et le Roi été aussi content. J'ai oublie de lui dire que j'ai ecrie hier la premier foi au Roi j'en ait eu grande peur sachant que Md. du Barry les lit toutte mais vous pouvez être bien persuadée ma tres chere Mere que je ne ferai jamais de faute n'y pour n'y contre elle.

Votre Majesté permettera que je lui envoye une lettre pour Naple dans laquelle J'avertis ma soeur d'envoyer ses lettres par Vienne. J'ai l'honneur d'etre avec la plus respectueuse tendresse
la plus tendre
et soumisse fille
Antoinette.

With regular/modernised spelling:

Ce 9 juillet 1770.
Madame ma très-chère mère. Ayant appris que le courrier devait partir après demain et que nous partons demain pour Choisy, je n'ai pas voulu attendre les lettres que Mercy doit m'apporter ce soir, de peur de n'avoir pas le temps de répondre; ainsi je me le réserve pour une autre occasion.

Nous partons donc demain 10 pour Choisy et nous en reviendrons le 13 pour aller à Bellevue le 17 et le 18 à Compiègne où nous resterons jusqu'au 28 d'août, et de là pour quelques jours à Chantilly. Le roi a mille bontés pour moi et je l'aime tendrement, mais c'est à faire pitié la faiblesse qu'il a pour Mme. du Barry, qui est la plus sotte et impertinente créature qui soit imaginable. Elle a joué tous les soirs avec nous à Marly; elle s'est trouvée deux fois à côté de moi, mais elle ne m'a point parlé et je n'ai point tâché justement de lier conversation avec elle, mais quand il le fallait, je lui ai pourtant parlé.

Pour mon cher mari, il est changé de beaucoup et tout à son avantage. Il marque beaucoup d'amitié pour moi et même il commence à marquer de la confiance. Il n'aime certainement point M. de la Vauguyon, mais il le craint. Il lui est arrivé une singulière histoire l'autre jour. J'étais seule avec mon mari, lorsque M. de la Vauguyon approche d'un pas précipité à la porte pour écouter. Un valet de chambre qui est sot ou très-honnête homme, ouvre la porte et M. le duc s'y trouve planté comme un piquet sans pouvoir reculer. Alors je fis remarquer à mon mari l'inconvénient qu'il y a de laisser écouter aux portes et il l'a très-bien pris.

Comme j'ai promis à Votre Majesté de lui dire la moindre indisposition, je lui dirai donc que j'ai eu un peu de dévoiement, mais la diète l'a fait finir. Mon mari a eu en même temps une indigestion, mais cela ne l'a pas empêché d'aller à la chasse.

J'ai aujourd'hui un grand embarras. Je me confesserai à cinq heures à l'abbé Modoux, Mercy et l'abbé [de Vermond] m'ayant conseillé de le prendre. Je n'ai point douté que vous en serez contente, et le roi était aussi content. J'ai oublié de lui dire que j'ai écrit hier la première fois au roi; j'en ai eu grande peur sachant que Mme du Barry les lit toutes, mais vous pouvez être bien persuadée, ma très chère mère, que je ne ferai jamais de faute ni pour ni contre elle.

Votre Majesté permettra que je lui envoie une lettre pour Naples, dans laquelle j'avertis ma soeur d'envoyer ses lettres par Vienne. J'ai l'honneur d'être avec la plus respectueuse tendresse
la plus tendre
et soumise fille
ANTOINETTE.

English translation (my own):

July 9, 1770.
Madame, my very dear mother. Having learned that the courier had to leave the day after tomorrow and that we are leaving tomorrow for Choisy, I did not want to wait for the letters that Mercy is to bring me this evening, for fear of not having time to answer; so I am saving it for another occasion.

So we are leaving tomorrow the 10th for Choisy and we will return on the 13th to go to Bellevue on the 17th and 18th in Compiègne where we will stay until August 28th, and from there for a few days to Chantilly. The King has a thousand kindnesses for me, and I love him dearly, but it is to pity his weakness for Madame du Barry, who is the most stupid and impertinent creature imaginable. She played every evening with us at Marly; twice she found herself beside me, but she did not speak to me and I did not try to strike up a conversation with her, but when necessary, I nevertheless spoke to her.

As for my dear husband, he has changed a lot and everything to his advantage. He marks a great deal of friendship for me, and even he begins to show confidence. He certainly does not like Monsieur de la Vauguyon, but he fears him. A strange thing happened to him the other day. I was alone with my husband when Monsieur de la Vauguyon hurriedly approached the door to listen. A valet who is either a fool or a very honest man opens the door and the Duke finds himself planted there like a stake without being able to retreat. So I pointed out to my husband the inconvenience of letting people listen at the doors, and he took it very well.

As I promised Your Majesty to tell you of the slightest indisposition, I shall therefore tell you that I had a bit of deviation, but the diet made it end. My husband had indigestion at the same time, but that did not stop him from going hunting.

I had a great embarrassment today. I shall go to confession at five o'clock to Father Modoux, Mercy and Father [de Vermond] having advised me to take it. I have no doubt that you will be happy with it, and the King was also happy. I forgot to tell you that I wrote to the King for the first time yesterday; I was very afraid of it knowing that Madame du Barry reads them all, but you can be quite persuaded, my very dear mother, that I will never make a mistake either for or against her.

Your Majesty will allow me to send you a letter for Naples, in which I warn my sister to send her letters through Vienna. I have the honour of being, with the most respectful tenderness,
your most tender
and submissive daughter
Antoinette.

Catherine the Great's letter to the Holy Roman Emperor Joseph II, dated May 26, 1774

Source:

Joseph II und Katharina von Russland: Ihr Briefwechsel, published by Alfred Ritter von Arneth, 1869



Above: Catherine the Great, Empress of Russia, painted by Feodor Rokotov.


Above: Joseph II, Holy Roman Emperor, artist unknown.

The letter:

Monsieur mon frère. L'intérêt permanent qui subsiste entre mes Etats et ceux de la maison de Votre Majesté Impériale, ne souffre point que l'une des deux monarchies voie d'un oeil jaloux les avantages et prenne ombrage de la prospérité de l'autre. Je me crois à l'abri d'un tel soupçon, lorsque je porte à la considération de V. M. les inquiétudes et les alarmes de la Pologne à la fixation définitive des nouvelles limites autrichiennes au Sbrutz, après s'être cru assurée par un traité, qu'elles ne s'étendraient que jusqu'au Seret, de même qu'à la nouvelle démarcation des acquisitions du roi de Prusse notre allié. Si j'écoute dans cette démarche un attendrissement naturel sur les malheurs d'une nation qui a avec mon empire des relations si immédiates, je ne suis pas moins déterminée par le motif du bien essentiel de l'union et du concert des trois Cours, qui ont pris en main l'arrangement de ses affaires, en se faisant un système pour elles-mêmes tant sur son gouvernement que sur l'étendue de ses possessions. Pour remplir ce plan, il a fallu triompher de la répugnance d'un Etat à céder des provinces entières. On a eu à contenir la jalousie de toute l'Europe sur des acquisitions de cette importance, mais l'intimité qui a régné dans l'entreprise, en a procuré le succès jusqu'au point où on était parvenu. Je n'ai pas besoin d'avancer, que la même intimité peut seule conduire l'ouvrage à sa fin et le maintenir à perpétuité, et que par cette raison elle fait d'objet de la vive sollicitude des trois Cours. Comme les principes sur lesquels a été fondé tout le concert, et qui même ont été trouvés et proposés par la Cour de V. M., ont été l'égalité du partage et l'équilibre de puissance entre elles, et l'existence de la république comme puissance intermédiaire, les trois Cours ne sauraient les perdre de vue, sans altérer, soit entre elles, soit au dehors, une union qui n'en impose aux puissances jalouses que par l'opinion de sa solidité. On aura su que les limites autrichiennes n'étaient pas claires, on a vu ensuite une variation à celles de la Cour de Berlin, et d'abord on en influera que la jalousie joue son jeu entre deux Cours qui paraissent unies vers un même objet, et on supposera d'autre part la Russie d'autant plus mécontente qu'on la juge la moins bien partagée. Que de ressorts on fera mouvoir pour étendre ces sources de division! S'il n'était question que d'un moment donné, pendant lequel on les ferait agir, en y opposant une résistance proportionnée, on pourrait se répondre de les rendre vains, mais le champ peut rester ouvert pour bien du temps. La Pologne, poussée à l'extrémité, ne cherchera de ressource que dans sa faiblesse, et protestera en dissolvant le corps qui représente la nation. Toute la négociation reste au point où elle est, et les engagements respectifs des trois puissances se réduisent à une garantie préalable à l'arrangement avec la Pologne, mais non-appréciée sur des cessions effectives de sa part. Tout invite les trois Cours à ne pas laisser imparfait un lieu qui doit subsister à perpétuité entre leurs monarchies, et leur présenter à défendre un nouvel intérêt que leur prudence et leur modération leur ont suggéré.

V. M. pèsera dans Sa sagesse et avec Son équité naturelle, si toutes ces considérations sont égales ou supérieures au sacrifice que ferait Sa maison de restreindre ses frontières au Seret. Pour moi, ma confiance en Ses lumières et les sentiments aussi vrais que désintéressés d'estime et d'amitié que je porte tant à Elle qu'à l'Impératrice Reine Sa mère, ne me permettront jamais d'appréhender qu'Elle regarde comme de vaines inquiétudes que je chercherais à faire naître en Son esprit, une vérité que je ne Lui dis que parce que je la sens et la connais. C'est que, si les trois Cours veulent prouver que dans le concert qu'elles ont formé sur la Pologne, et les opérations communes qui en ont dérivé, elles se sont déterminées moins par le désir d'acquérir que par les vues grandes et politiques, de fixer dans un état de bon ordre et de tranquilité, tel que l'exige le bien-être et la sûreté de leurs frontières, un royaume voisin souvent livré aux troubles et à l'anarchie, et dans le partage qu'a dicté un tel dessein, de se balancer elles-mêmes toutes les trois par un accroissement égal à la puissance de chacune, idée la plus noble et la plus imposante qui puisse être donnée à l'Europe d'une pareille entreprise, ce ne peut être en comptant pour tout la faiblesse de la Pologne et regardant cet Etat comme non-existant, qu'on pourra se flatter d'y réussir. Le désespoir sera sa ressource contre l'aggravation de ses maux, ou au moins celle à laquelle elle s'abandonnera. J'ose l'avancer, et le ministre de V. M. à Varsovie ne saurait Lui laisser ignorer, jusqu'à quel degré cette disposition à rompre toute négociation et à protester, est parvenue, et l'éclat n'en est peut-être retenu que par l'attente de quelques semaines, pour voir ce que l'envoi des trois ministres à nos trois Cours aura effectué. S'il n'est point d'adoucissement à ses pertes, il sera immanquablement un terme où il ne sera plus préparé, qu'à mesure que la diète se prolonge, on voit les dispositions s'altérer graduellement et approcher plus d'une dislocation générale des esprits. C'eût été manquer de ma part à ce qu'exige l'intérêt de l'union et de la cause commune, que de garder le silence sur un état des choses marqué à de tels caractères, et ma réserve ne se serait pas mieux conciliée avec les sentiments de haute considération et d'amitié sincère avec lesquels je suis
Monsieur mon frère
de Votre Majesté Impériale
la bonne soeur et amie
CATERINE.

Zarskoe-Selo le 26 mai 1774.

English translation (my own):

Sir my brother. The permanent interest which subsists between my States and those of the house of Your Imperial Majesty does not allow one of the two monarchies to see the advantages with a jealous eye and take umbrage at the prosperity of the other. I believe myself to be safe from such suspicion when I bring to your Majesty's consideration the concerns and alarms of Poland at the definitive fixing of the new Austrian limits to the Sbrutz, after having believed itself secured by a treaty that they would extend only to the Seret, as well as to the new demarcation of the acquisitions of the King of Prussia, our ally. If I listen in this process to a natural tenderness over the misfortunes of a nation which has such immediate relations with my empire, I am no less determined by the motive of the essential good of the union and the concert of the three Courts, who have taken the arrangement of their affairs in hand, making a system for themselves both over their government and over the extent of their possessions. To fulfill this plan, it was necessary to triumph over the reluctance of a state to cede entire provinces. We had to contain the jealousy of all of Europe on acquisitions of this importance, but the intimacy which reigned in the company, procured its success to the point where it had arrived. I do not need to advance, that the same intimacy can alone lead the work to its end and maintain it in perpetuity, and that for this reason it is the object of the lively solicitude of the three Courts. As the principles on which the whole concert was founded, and which were even found and proposed by the Court of Your Majesty, were the equality of the division and the balance of power between them, and the existence of the republic as an intermediary power, the three Courts could not lose sight of them, without altering, either between themselves or without, a union which only imposes on jealous powers by the opinion of its solidity. We will have known that the Austrian limits were not clear, we then saw a variation to those of the Court of Berlin, and first of all we will influence that jealousy plays its game between two Courts which appear united towards the same object, and on the other hand we will suppose Russia all the more dissatisfied when it is judged to be the least well divided. How many springs will be moved to extend these sources of division! If it were only a question of a given moment, during which one would make them act, by opposing it a proportionate resistance, one could answer to make them vain, but the field can remain open for a long time. Poland, pushed to the extreme, will seek resources only in her weakness, and will protest by dissolving the body which represents the nation. The whole negotiation remains where it is, and the respective commitments of the three powers are reduced to a guarantee prior to the arrangement with Poland, but not assessed on effective cessions on its part. Everything invites the three Courts not to leave imperfect a place which must exist in perpetuity between their monarchies, and to present them to defend a new interest that their prudence and their moderation have suggested to them.

Your Majesty will weigh in your wisdom and with your natural equity, whether all these considerations equal or exceed the sacrifice your house would make of restricting its borders to the Seret. For me, my confidence in her enlightenment and the feelings as true as disinterested of esteem and friendship that I have both for her and for the Empress Queen her mother, will never allow me to apprehend that she looks like vain anxieties that I would try to arouse in her mind, a truth that I only tell her because I feel and know it. This is because, if the three Courts want to prove that in the concert they formed on Poland, and the common operations which derived from it, they were determined less by the desire to acquire than by the great and policies, to establish in a state of good order and tranquility, as required by the well-being and the security of their borders, a neighboring kingdom often delivered to troubles and anarchy, and in the division that dictated such a design, of balancing themselves all three by an increase equal to the power of each, the noblest and most imposing idea which can be given to Europe of such an enterprise, it cannot be counting for all the weakness of Poland and looking at this state as non-existent, we can flatter ourselves of success. Despair will be her resource against the aggravation of her evils, or at least the one to which she will surrender. I dare to advance it, and your Majesty's Minister in Warsaw cannot allow him to be unaware, to what degree this disposition to break off all negotiations and to protest, has succeeded, and perhaps the brilliance of it is not. retained only by waiting a few weeks, to see what the sending of the three ministers to our three Courts will have done. If there is no easing of his losses, there will inevitably be a term for which he will no longer be prepared, only as the diet is prolonged, we see the dispositions gradually deteriorate and approach more than a general dislocation of minds. It would have been a failure on my part in what the interests of union and of the common cause demanded to remain silent on a state of affairs marked by such characteristics, and my reserve would not have been better. reconciled with the feelings of high consideration and sincere friendship with which I am,
Sir my brother,
Your Imperial Majesty's
good sister and friend
Catherine.

Tsarskoe Selo, May 26, 1774.

Note: In accordance with the nobility's ideals in the early modern era, kings, queens, emperors, empresses and other monarchs considered themselves siblings.

Madame de Maintenon's letter to Madame de Pommereuil, dated July 10, 1655

Source:

Lettres de Madame de Maintenon, volume 1, 1757


The letter:

Paris, 10 juillet 1655.
Madame, je ne crois pas qu'il y ait jamais eu une aussi belle passion que celle que M. Scarron a conçue pour vous, depuis qu'il a eu l'honneur de vous voir au chevet de son lit. Il ne trouve rien de si beau que vous, pas même madame de Longueville, il vous donne le prix de la beauté, le prix de l'esprit, le prix de la vertu. Vous êtes, madame, la seule personne dont il prononce le nom avec respect. A votre considération, il a oublié la belle inconnue, et pardonné à Madaillan. Madame de Brienne est jalouse de vous; madame de Fiesque l'est aussi; jugez combien je dois l'être. Je ne vous remercierai point de cette belle et magnifique chasuble; c'est le présent d'une rivale trop redoutable. Si j'en croyois mes amis, je vous priverois des prieres de la chapelle que vous embellissez, et je défendrois au prêtre de M. Deslande payen, de se ressouvenir de sa bienfaictrice. Madame de Bonneau sort d'ici; elle vous est si attachée, et elle le dit avec tant de plaisir et de zele, qu'on a honte de ne pas vous aimer autant qu'elle vous aime.

English translation (my own):

Paris, July 10, 1655.
Madame, I do not believe that there has ever been such a beautiful passion as that which Monsieur Scarron has conceived for you, since he had the honour of seeing you at the side of his bed. He doesn't find anyone so beautiful as you, not even Madame de Longueville, he gives you the price of beauty, the price of wit, the price of virtue. You are, Madame, the only person whose name he pronounces with respect. For your consideration, he forgot the beautiful stranger and forgave Madaillan. Madame de Brienne is jealous of you, Madame de Fiesque is also; judge how much I must be. I will not thank you for this beautiful and magnificent chasuble; it is the present of a too formidable rival. If I could believe my friends, I would deprive you of the prayers of the chapel which you embellish, and I would forbid the priest of Monsieur Deslande Payen to remember his benefactress. Madame de Bonneau is leaving from here; she is so attached to you, and she says it with so much pleasure and zeal that one is ashamed of not loving you as much as she loves you.

Ninon de l'Enclos's letter to Charles de Saint-Évremond, year 1691

Source:

Œvres mêlées, by Charles de Saint-Évremond, edited by Charles Giraud, published by J. Léon Techener fils, 1865



Above: Ninon de l'Enclos.


Above: Charles de Saint-Évremond, painted by Godfrey Kneller.

Anne "Ninon" de l'Enclos (born November 10, 1620, died October 17, 1705) was a French author, courtesan, philosopher, and patron of the arts. Her Paris salon attracted France's leading politicians and writers for both mental and physical stimulation. Although once confined to a nunnery by Anne of Austria, Queen Regent of France, Ninon attained a level of respectability unusual for courtesans, while her philosophy and patronage led to friendships with, among others, Molière and Voltaire.

The letter:

Je défie Dulcinée de sentir avec plus de joie le souvenir de son Chevalier. Votre lettre a été reçue comme elle le mérite, et la triste figure n'a point diminué le mérite des sentiments. Je suis touchée de leur force et de leur persévérance: conservez-les, à la honte de ceux qui se mêlent d'en juger. Je crois, comme vous, que les rides sont les marques de la sagesse. Je suis ravie que vos vertus extérieures ne vous attristent point: je tâche d'en user de même. Vous avez un ami, gouverneur de province, qui doit sa fortune à ses agréments; c'est le seul vieillard, qui ne soit pas ridicule, à la Cour. M. de Turenne ne vouloit vivre que pour le voir vieux: il le verroit père de famille, riche et plaisant. Il a plus dit de plaisanteries, sur sa nouvelle dignité, que les autres n'en ont pensé. M. d'Elbène, que vous appeliez le Cunctator, est mort à l'hôpital. Qu'est-ce que les jugements des hommes! Si M. d'Olonne vivoit et qu'il eût lu la lettre que vous m'écrivez, il vous auroit continué votre qualité de son philosophe. M. de Lauzun est mon voisin: il recevra vos compliments. Je vous rends très-tendrement ceux de M. de Charleval. Je vous demande instamment de faire souvenir M. de Ruvigny de son amie de la rue des Tournelles.

With English translation (my own):

I challenge Dulcinea to feel the memory of her Knight with more joy. Your letter has been received as it deserves, and the sad face has not diminished the merit of feelings. I am touched by their strength and perseverance; keep them, to the shame of those who meddle to judge. I believe, like you, that wrinkles are the marks of wisdom. I am delighted that your external virtues do not sadden you, I try to use them in the same way. You have a friend, a provincial governor, who owes his fortune to his amenities; he is the only old man at Court who is not ridiculous. Monsieur de Turenne wanted to live only to see him old; he saw him as the father of a family, rich and pleasant. He told more jokes about his newfound dignity than the others thought. Monsieur d'Elbène, whom you called the Cunctator, died in the hospital. What are the judgments of men! If Monsieur d'Olonne had lived and had read the letter you are writing to me, he would have continued your quality of his philosopher. Monsieur de Lauzun is my neighbor; he will receive your compliments. I return Monsieur de Charleval's to you very tenderly. I urge you to remind Monsieur de Ruvigny of his friend in the Rue des Tournelles.

Madame de Sévigné's letter to Roger de Rabutin, Comte de Bussy, dated August 14, 1668

Source:

Lettres, compiled by Hachette Monmerqué, 1862



Above: Madame Marie de Rabutin-Chantal, Marquise de Sévigné, painted by Claude Lefèbvre.


Above: Roger de Rabutin, Comte de Bussy, painted by Claude Lefèbvre.

The letter:

À Paris, ce 14e août 1668.
J'ai reçu votre dernière lettre, j'y ferai réponse l'un de ces jours; j'ai bien des choses à y répondre. Bon Dieu, quelles apostilles n'y ferai-je point! mais je n'ai pas de loisir aujourd'hui.

Je donnerai votre placet quand on me l'apportera.

... . Il met en ordre tous les titres de la noblesse de Champagne; les Coligny, les Étauges et plusieurs autres ont paru à l'envi. Il en est à nos Rabutins; il me paroît de conséquence qu'ils aient de quoi se parer aussi bien que les autres. M. de Caumartin a dit qu'il étoit persuadé qu'il y avoit des titres pour deux noblesses. Cette exagération prétendue m'a paru une médisance. Il me semble que nous avons de quoi faire quatre ou cinq gentilhommes les uns sur les autres. Je vous prie, mon cher cousin, de m'envoyer les copies de tout ce que vous avez; et pour qu'elles soient plus authentiques, faites-les copier par-devant l'intendant de votre province: ne manquez pas à cela, il y va de l'honneur de notre maison. On ne peut pas être plus vive sur cela que je le suis. Adieu: faites réponse à ceci, je vous écrirai plus à loisir.

English translation (my own):

Paris, August 14, 1668.
I have received your last letter, I will answer it one of these days; I have many things to answer. Good God, what apostilles will I not make there! but I have no leisure today.

I will give your placet when it is brought to me.

.... He puts in order all the titles of the nobility of Champagne; the Coligny, the Étauges and several others appeared at will. It is with our Rabutins; it seems to me of consequence that they have something to adorn themselves as well as the others. Monsieur de Caumartin has said that he was convinced that there were titles for two nobility. This alleged exaggeration struck me as backbiting. It seems to me that we have enough to do with four or five gentlemen on top of each other. I beg you, my dear cousin, to send me copies of everything you have; and so that they are more authentic, have them copied in front of the steward of your province: do not miss this, it is in the honour of our house. You can't be more keen on this than I am. Farewell; reply to this, I will write to you more at leisure.

Monday, February 22, 2021

Empress Elizabeth Petrovna of Russia's signed letter to her nephew Grand Duke Peter Feodorovich of Russia, dated January 25, 1742

Source:

Письма и записки императрицы Елизаветы Петровны к великому князю Петру Федоровичу, великой княгине Екатерине Алексеевне, кабинет-секретарю Ивану Антоновичу Черкасову, С. В. Бутурлиной и разным близким к государыне лицам, 1741-1761 г., published in St. Petersburg, 1867



Above: Elizabeth Petrovna, Empress of Russia, painted after Pietro Rotari.


Above: Grand Duke Peter Feodorovich of Russia, formerly Duke of Schleswig-Holstein-Gottorp and future Tsar Peter III of Russia, artist unknown.

The letter:

Светлѣйшій Герцогъ, мой вселюбезнѣйший племянникъ.

Вашего Королевскаго Высочества приятное писание отъ 19 числа изъ Либау, с толь наибольшею радостию получить имѣла, сколко с великою приятностию и нетерпѣніемъ Васъ к себѣ ожидаю; и весма порадовалась, услыша о благополучномъ здоровье Вашего Королевскаго Высочества, і при семъ желаю, чтобъ безъ всякаго замедления наискоряе сюда прибытъ изволили, тѣмъ наипаче, что я нарочно никакой встрѣчи для приему Вашего Королевскаго Высочества ни кого не отправила, в томъ намѣрении, чтобъ не было для сего случая никакой остановки и препятствия. В заключеніи сего остаюсь с моимъ непремѣннымъ люблениемъ, Вашего Королевскаго Высочества всякаго добра желающая тетка
Елисаветъ.

1742 году, Генваря 25 дня.
В С.-Петербурге.

With modernised spelling:

Светлейший Герцог, мой вселюбезнейший племянник.

Вашего Королевскего Высочества приятное писание от 19 числа из Либау, с толь наибольшею радостию получить имела, сколько с великою приятностию и нетерпением Вас к себе ожидаю; и весьма порадовалась, услыша о благополучном здоровье Вашего Королевскего Высочества, и при сем желаю, чтобы без всякого замедления наискоряе сюда прибыть изволили, тем наипаче, что я нарочно никакой встречи для приему Вашего Королевскего Высочества ни кого не отправила, в том намерении, чтобы не было для сего случая никакой остановки и препятствия. В заключении сего остаюсь с моим непременным люблением, Вашего Королевскего Высочества всякого добра желающая тетка
Елисаветь.

1742 году, Января 25 дня.
В С.-Петербурге.

English translation (my own):

Most Serene Duke, my most gracious Nephew.

I received with the greatest joy Your Royal Highness's pleasant writing of the 19th from Libau; I am expecting you with great pleasure and impatience; and I was very glad to hear about the good health of Your Royal Highness, and at the same time I wish that you would be pleased to come here without delay, especially since I deliberately did not send anyone to receive Your Royal Highness, with the intention that there was no stoppage or obstacle for this case. In conclusion, I remain with my indispensable love, Your Royal Highness, your benevolent aunt
Elizabeth.

January 25, 1742.
In St. Petersburg.

Empress Elizabeth Petrovna of Russia's signed letter to King Frederick II the Great of Prussia telling him her impressions of Princess Johanna Elisabeth of Anhalt-Zerbst and her daughter Sophia, dated after February 9, 1744

Source:



Above: Elizabeth Petrovna, Empress of Russia, artist unknown.


Above: Frederick II the Great, King of Prussia, painted by Antoine Pesne.


Above: Princess Johanna Elisabeth of Holstein-Gottorp and Anhalt-Zerbst, painted by Antoine Pesne.


Above: Her daughter, Princess Sophia Friederike Auguste of Anhalt-Zerbst, future Empress Catherine the Great of Russia, painted by Louis Caravaque.


"The Prussian king Frederick II, interested in friendship with Russia, took an active part in choosing a bride for the heir to the Russian throne. Ten days before the departure of the princess of Anhalt-Zerbst, Johanna Elisabeth and her daughter to Russia, Frederick II, in a letter to Empress Elizabeth Petrovna, gave them the most flattering description: 'I can vouch for their merits. The young princess, with all the liveliness and cheerfulness that is characteristic of her age, is gifted with an excellent quality of mind and heart.' The bride made a good impression on the Empress, who constantly showed her attention, giving her valuable gifts. Elizabeth Petrovna reported about her favourable impression of the young Sophia and her mother in a letter to Frederick II."

The letter:

Месяца Ѳевраля 1744 гѡда.
Господинъ мой братъ
С особливейшимъ удовольствиемъ полꙊчила те знаки аттенціи, которые Ваше величество письмомъ своимъ мнѣ дать благоволили чрезъ принцессꙊ Сербстъ и дщерь ея. Ѡныхъ персоны и качества, какъ матери такъ и дочери подтвердя мнѣ, что все то еже я об нихъ слышала, от Вашего величества любви удостоини все во оных усмотрела, совершенно благосклонномꙊ Вашего величества в томъ что до нихъ касается участию соответствꙊетъ, имъ такожде удостоверяетъ тоя дрꙊжбꙊ, кою я уже к нимъ имела. Ваше величество мне справедливость покажете, не сꙊмневаясь что я совершеннымъ почтениемъ есмь.
Господинъ мой братъ
Ваше величества
добрая сестра
и верная союзница.

English translation (my own):

Month of February, 1744.
Sir my brother,
It was with the greatest pleasure that I received those signs of attenuation that Your Majesty, in your letter to me, favoured through the Princess of Zerbst and her daughter. These persons and qualities, both of mother and daughter, confirming to me that all the same I heard about them from Your Majesty who deigned to merit everything in them I saw Your Majesty completely benevolent in what concerns sympathy corresponding to them, they also confirm the friendship that I already had for them. Your Majesty, show me justice, without hesitation, that I am, with perfect reverence, Sir my brother,
Your Majesty's good sister and faithful ally.

Note: In accordance with the nobility's ideals in the early and early late modern eras, kings, queens and other monarchs considered themselves siblings.

Queen Mary II's letter to Electress Sophia of Hanover, dated June 2/12, 1690

Source:

Memoirs of Mary, queen of England (1689-1693), together with her letters, etc., edited by Richard Doebner, Leipzig, Veit & comp., 1886



Above: Queen Mary II of England, painted by Sir Peter Lely.


Above: Electress Sophie of Hanover, artist unknown.

The letter:

Ma cousine. Quoi que je me sers a present du retour du sieur Schutz pour vous escrire, j'espere que vous me feres la justice de croire que je n'aures pas negligee plus longue tamps a repondre a vostre obligente letre du 7/17 du mois passee. Si ce que j'ay dit a este quelque consolation, je vous assure que j'en ay autent besoin moi mesme, le Roy estant sur son depart. Je ne peut pas me vanter d'aucune force d'esprit, mais je voye qu'on s'acoustume a des aflictions. J'en ay eu depuis si longue temps qu'elle ne me sont plus nouvell; celle icy pourtant me paroit encore le plus grande. Vous jugeres bien que si j'ay toute la raisson du monde d'estre en paine pour un marry et j'ose dire une tele marry, je suis pourtant encore fille et ne scay quel souhaits je dois faire pour une pere. Vous avez bien voulu entre dans mes sentiments, ce qui me donne le courage de vous en escrire a present, et me semble aussi que nous sommes asses proche pour prendre cette libertee; cependent je vous dois demander pardon de vous venir ainssi importuner de mes triste panssees. Dieu seull me peut soulager, et j'ay eu l'experience de sa bonte paternele en d'autres rencontres ce qui me donne de l'esperence pour le present. Encore une fois je vous demande pardon, vous l'imputeres a l'excese de ma douleur presente et la confience que j'ay en vostre amitie. J'espere que je trouveres des ocations a vous temoigner la miene, estant avec toute la sincerite imaginable, ma cousine,
vostre tres afectionee cousine
Marie R.
de Kinsington ce 12/2 de Juin 1690.

With modernised spelling:

Ma cousine. Quoique je me sers à présent du retour du sieur Schutz pour vous écrire, j'espère que vous me ferez la justice de croire que je n'aurais pas negligé plus longtemps à repondre à votre obligeante lettre du 7/17 du mois passé. Si ce que j'ai dit a été quelque consolation, je vous assure que j'en ai autant besoin moi-même, le Roi étant sur son depart. Je ne peut pas me vanter d'aucune force d'esprit, mais je vois qu'on s'accoutume a des afflictions. J'en ai eu depuis si longtemps qu'elle ne me sont plus nouvelle; celle ici pourtant me paraît encore le plus grande. Vous jugerez bien que si j'ai toute la raison du monde d'être en peine pour un mari, et j'ose dire un tel mari, je suis pourtant encore fille et ne sais quels souhaits je dois faire pour un père. Vous avez bien voulu entre dans mes sentiments, ce qui me donne le courage de vous en écrire à présent, et me semble aussi que nous sommes assez proches pour prendre cette liberté; cependant je vous dois demander pardon de vous venir ainsi importuner de mes tristes pensées. Dieu seul me peut soulager, et j'ai eu l'expérience de sa bonté paternelle en d'autres rencontres, ce qui me donne de l'espérance pour le présent. Encore une fois je vous demande pardon, vous l'imputerez a l'excès de ma douleur présente et la confiance que j'ai en votre amitié. J'espère que je trouverai des occasions à vous témoigner la mienne, étant avec toute la sincérité imaginable, ma cousine,
votre très affectionnée cousine
Marie R.
de Kensington ce 12/2 de Juin 1690.

English translation (my own):

My cousin,
Although I am now using Sir Schutz's return to write to you, I hope you will do me justice to believe that I would not have neglected any longer to reply to your obliging letter of 7/17 of the past month. If what I have said has been any consolation, I assure you that I need it as much myself, the King being on his departure. I cannot boast of any strength of spirit, but I see that one gets used to afflictions. I've had them for so long that they are not new to me; the one here, however, still seems to me the greatest. You will judge that if I have all the reason in the world to be in pain for a husband, and I dare say such a husband, I am still a girl and do not know what wishes I should make for a father. You have kindly entered into my feelings, which gives me the courage to write to you now, and also seems to me that we are close enough to take this freedom; however, I must ask your forgiveness for coming to bother you with my sad thoughts. God alone can relieve me, and I have had the experience of His fatherly goodness in other encounters, which gives me hope for the present. Once again I beg your pardon, you will blame it on the excess of my present pain and the confidence I have in your friendship. I hope I will find opportunities to witness mine to you, being with all imaginable sincerity, my cousin,
Your most affectionate cousin
Mary R.
From Kensington, 2/12 June, 1690.

Henrietta Maria of France's letter to her brother King Louis XIII, year 1626

Source:

Lettres inédites de Henriette-Marie de France, reine d'Angleterre, edited and published by Charles, comte de Baillon, E. Perrin, Paris, 1884



Above: Henrietta Maria of France, queen consort of England, artist unknown.


Above: King Louis XIII of France, painted by Peter Paul Rubens.

The letter:

Monsieur,
Je n'ay pas peu m'empescher d'escrire à Vostre Majesté sur le subject de mon affliction et misère pour la supplier d'avoir pitié de moy et de m'assister en mes maux. Je n'ay espérance qu'en vous; vous aurés pitié de moy; je n'importuneray pas davantage Vostre Majesté sur ce triste subject que pour la supplier encore derechef d'avoir pitié de moy, qui suis la plus misérable créature qui soit au monde. Je ne laisseray pourtant de demeurer toute ma vie, Monsieur,
Vostre très-humble et très-affectionnée sœur et servante,
HENRIETTE-MARIE.

With modernised spelling:

Monsieur,
Je n'ai pas pu m'empêcher d'écrire à Votre Majesté sur le sujet de mon affliction et misère pour la supplier d'avoir pitié de moi et de m'assister en mes maux. Je n'ai espérance qu'en vous; vous aurez pitié de moi; je n'importunerai pas davantage Votre Majesté sur ce triste sujet que pour la supplier encore derechef d'avoir pitié de moi, qui suis la plus misérable créature qui soit au monde. Je ne laisserai pourtant de demeurer toute ma vie, Monsieur,
Votre très humble et très affectionnée sœur et servante,
HENRIETTE-MARIE.

English translation (my own):

Monsieur,
I could not help writing to Your Majesty on the subject of my affliction and misery to beg you to have mercy on me and to assist me in my troubles. I have hope only in you; you will have pity on me; I shall bother Your Majesty no more on this sad subject than to beg you once again to have mercy on me, who be the most miserable creature in the world. I will not cease to remain all my life, Monsieur,
Your most humble and affectionate sister and servant,
Henrietta Maria.

Märta Eriksdotter Sture (Leijonhufvud)'s letter to Countess Cecilia Roos, year 1579

Source:

DelaGardiska archivet, volume 5, edited by Peter Wieselgren and published by J. Hörberg, 1834


The letter:

Edle Velborne Grefinne K. S. D. -
migh thuiffle icke, att eder vell i hågkommer thed iag noggre reijsser haffr latid eder och Fru Beritte på Erewalle mz breff och segl förstå om de gell som E. Sallige kere Herre var minn Sallige k. Herre skylligh, beggis theris Siell Gud evinnerlige bevare - - och ij K. S. D. vell förstått haffr hvad svar skottzmåll och isagger Fru Beritte haffr hafftt om de gell - - Och kann iag min K. S. D. icke haffe förhollitt att thed var enn orsach dett iag drog till Stecheholm, att iag gerne villitt tallitt mz min K. S. D. therom. Och efftr dett K. S. Dåtter att mine k. Sönner haffve nu giort en så stor thæring i tysland och æhnn mz Furstelige N. Herttig Carll herefter göre skulle - - it. det jordeskifftte som beggis våre Sallige k. Herrer - - -
Till Fru Cessille anno 79.

Märta Eriksdotter Sture (Leijonhufvud)'s letter to Bishop Johann of Münster, dated November 6, 1572

Source:

DelaGardiska archivet, volume 5, edited by Peter Wieselgren and published by J. Hörberg, 1834


The letter:

Högvärdige och Högförmögne Furste Nådige Herre, Eders förstlige Nådhe är min ödmiuke och kärlige helsse - - -

Högborne furste, käre Nådige Herre, E. F. N. lycksalige tilstånd - - -

Och vill thernest haffve E. F. N. opå thz ödmiukeligte och kärligiste betacket för all gunstig nådig och kärlig benägenhet, som E. F. N. min salige framl. k. Herre, mig och mine barn altid nådeligen bevijst haffver, hvilke att förskylle - - -

Högborne Nådige Herre, E. F. N. haffver uthen tviffvell väl förnummit, thett clagelige och sörgelige frånfälle, som mig arme älendige tröstlöse qvinne och mine fattige faderlöse barn vederfarit är, udaff K. Erichs ochristelige och blodtörstige Tyrannij, som han emott all rättvijse och föruthen all foge och orsak upå min Sal. k. Herre och Söner så iämmerligen bedriffvit haffver, hvilket iag med hiertans thårer för Gud thn alzmechtigste så och för alle christelige Herrer, potentater och hvar Ehrlig man, och synnerlig för E. F. N. såsom thn jag förhoppes ett nadigdt och kiärligit medlidende med mig haffver) vill beclaget haffue. Szå effther min Sonn Mourittz Sture är nu till then ålder kommen, thet han gerne åstundet och begaret haffver, att vele opå någen tijd begiffve sig här utaff Rijket och tijt som han någet godt måtte läre och undervijst bliffver, Effther the personer, som hans rätte förmyndere och honom till thet bedzte väll hade kunnet opföde, tuckte och undervise äre honom så iammerligen bliffven ifråntagen såsom förbemältt är; Therföre haffver iag ingen annenstädz velet eller kunne honom råde sig till att begiffue än till E. F. N. - - - för E. F. N.s infödde furstlige högberömde dygd skyld, som E. F. N. alle infödde Svenske männ altijd — förfordret haffver - - - och vare min k. Son udi faders stad med nådig opseende, undervijsning och lärdom ij altt thet, som honom framdelis udi längden kunne vare till nytte, gagn och förfordringh och sitt k. Fädernes-Rijke till underdånig trogen tienist, när Gud foger honom hijtt tilbake igen. Och icke tillstädie att han effter the tillfälle såsom ibland fremmet folck altijd giffs, skulle bliffve besväret med mykin drick eller annet, thet som hans ungdoms gode natur förderffve kunne, hvilcket iag på thz alerödmiukeligt och kärligt vil haffve E. F. N. ombedet, att E. F. N. för altt thz store förtrogende hans Sal. gode fader hade och stältte till E. F. N. thessligt för min älendige och fast sorgelige lägenheet och odmiuke trogne tillförsicht skyld, och effthr han (:oberömpdtt:) är E. F. N. så när med blodzförvant, ville vardiges att lathe segh vorde om honom - - - Och hvad såsom Jag, han och the (mine käre vordnader) udi så måtte icke förtiene kunne, då vill jag med min ödmiuke böön till thn Allzmechtigste Gud önskedt, åkallet och bedit haffve, att Hans Guddomlige Maiestet verdiges E. F. N. sådant mildeligen och rikeligen belöne - - -
Dat. Hörningzholm thn VI Novembris Anno Dni MDLXXII.
Märthe
Erichs dotter.

A tergo
Then Högvärdige och Högförmögne Furste Her Johan Biscop till Münster, Administrator tin dhe Stijfft Osnabrugh och Paderborn, Greffve till Höyen och - - -

Queen Mary I's memorial for her councillor Sir Henry Bedingfeld, dated May 21, 1554

Source:

The girlhood of Queen Elizabeth, a narrative in letters, Frank Arthur Mumby, 1909



Above: Queen Mary I of England, painted by Anthonis Mor.


Above: Sir Henry Bedingfeld, artist unknown.


Above: Princess Elizabeth, artist unknown.

The letter:

May 21, 1554.
First, whereas we have appointed our Sister, the Lady Elizabeth, for divers good considerations, to be removed from our Tower of London unto our Manor of Woodstock, there to remain until we shall otherwise determine. The said Sir Henry Bedingfeld, having in his company such number of persons as we have appointed for that purpose, shall make his abode and give his attendance within our said house of Woodstock about the person of our said Sister and in his service shall govern himself as followeth:

Item: When commodity shall serve, he shall briefly declare to such gentlemen as we have already addressed our letters for his assistance in our service and to such others also as shall have occasion to visit him, the cause of our said Sister's late committal to the Tower, whereof, although she be not at present thoroughly cleared, yet have we, for her better quiet, and that she may be more honourably used, thought fit to appoint that she should remain at our said Manor of Woodstock, until such time as certain matters touching our ease, which are not yet cleared, may be thoroughly tried and examined.

Item: The said Sir Henry Bedingfeld shall cause my said Sister to be safely watch for the safeguard of her person; nevertheless having regard to use her in such good and honourable fashion as may be agreeable to our honour and her estate and degree.

Item: He shall, at convenient times, suffer our said Sister, for her recreation, to walk abroad and take the air in the garden of our said house; so as he himself be present in her company.

Item: He shall cause good heed to be given to our said Sister's behaviour, seeing that she be suffered neither to have conference with any suspected person out of his hearing, nor that she does, by any means, either receive or send any message, letter, or token to or from any manner of person.

Item: He shall generally have good regard, not only to the Princess, according to the trust reposed in him, but shall also do his best to cause the country thereabouts to continue in good and quiet order, using, either for that purpose, or for any other matter that shall occur, the advice and assistance of the said gentleman to whom we have already addressed our letters for that purpose; and if any matter shall happen touching this, his charge, worthy advertisement, he shall immediately signify the same unto our private Council, attending upon our person, to the end that such further order may be taken by them in that behalf as shall be convenient. — MARY, THE QUEEN.

Guðríður Ingimundardóttir's gift letter giving Hólar in Grímsnes to Viðeyjarklaustur for the soul of her husband Vigfús and her son Erlendur, dated April 16, 1433

Source:

Diplomatarium Islandicum: Íslenzkt Fornbréfasafn, Volume 4, page 530, published by S. L. Möllers, Copenhagen, 1897


Guðríður Ingimundardóttir gives the place in Viðey to the land Hólar (Klausturhólar) in Grímsnes for the soul of her husband Vigfús Ívarsson and her son Erlendur.

The letter:

bref firir holvm j grimsnesi
Þad giore ec gvdridur ingemvndzdotter ollvm godvm monnvm kvnnigtt med þesso mino opnv brefi. at eg gefur j heidur med gvd oc hans signada moder marie til æverndiligx bænahaldz til videyar stadar jordina sem holar heita med viij kvigilldvm. sem lig[g]ur j grimsnesi firir sal vigfvsar jvarssonar oc hans sonar ellendz sem gvd þeirra sal frelsi til æfverndiligrar eignar. med ollvm þeim gognvm oc gædvm sem til hennar liggur oc leigit hefur fra fornv oc nyiv oc avngvv vndann skilldv. svo framt sem ec matte framast med logvm hana eignazt.

Samþyckte minn sonvr jvar þessa mina giord med mier.

Og til sanninda hier vm setti ec mitt innsigle firir þetta bref er giortt var j bravtarhollti jn die Sancti Magni martiris anno domini [M ed vij.]

Margaret Paston's letter to Edmund Paston, dated April 1448

Sources:

The Paston Letters. 1422 to 1509 A.D., Volume 1, compiled by Edward Arber and James Gairdner, 1872



The letter:

To my ryth wyrchypful hwsbond, Jon Paston, be this lettyr delyveryd in hast.

Ryth wyrchypful hwsbond, I recomawnd me to zw, desyryng hertyly to heryn of zour wel fare, praying zw to wete that I was with my Lady Morley on the Satyrday next after that ze departyd from hens, and told here qhat answer that ze had of Jon Butt, and sche toke it ryth straw[n]gely, and seyd that sche had told zw, and schewyd zw i now [enough], qher by ze myth have knowleche that the releve owt [ought] to ben payd to her. And sche seyd sche wyst wel that ze delay it forthe, that sche xuld nowth have that longyth to her ryth. And sche told me hw it was payd in Thomas Chawmbers tym, qhan her dowther Hastyngs was weddyd; and sche seyd sythyn that ze wyl make none end with her, sche wyl sew therfore as law wyl.

I conseyvyd be here that sche had cwnsel to labore azens zw therin withyn ryth schort tym. And than I prayd her that sche wuld vwche save nowth to labowr azens zw in this mater tyl ze kom hom; and sche seyd nay, be her seyth, sche wuld no more days zeve [give] zw therin. Sche seyd sche had sett zw so many days to a kord with her, and ze had broke them, that sche was ryth wery therof; and sche seyd sche was but a woman, sche must don be her cownseyl, and her cwnseyle had avysyd her, so sche seyd sche wyld do. Than I prayd her azyn that sche wuld teryn [tarry] tyl ze kom hom, and I seyd I trostyd veryly that ze wuld don qhan ze kom hom, as itt longeth to zw to don; and if ze myth have very knowleche that sche awyth of ryth for to have itt, I seyd I wyst wel that ze wuld pay it with ryth gode wyl, and told her that ze had sergyd to a fownd wrytyng therof, and ze kwd non fynd in non wyse. And sche sayd sche wyst wele there was wrytyng therof inow, and sche hath wrytyng therof hw Syr Robert of Mawthby, and Sir Jon, and my grawnsyre, and dyverse other of myn awncesterys payd it, and seyd nevyre nay therto. And in no wyse I kwd not geyn no grawnth of her to sesyn tyl ze kom hom; and sche bad me that I xuld don an erand to my moder, and qhan I kam hom, I dede myn erand to her. And sche axyd me if I had spokyn to my lady of this forseyd mater, and I told her hw I had do, and qhat answer I had; and sche seyd sche xuld gon to my Lady Morles on the nexst day, and sche xuld speken to her therof, and a say to getyn grawnt of her to sesyn of the forsayd mater tyl that ze kom hom. And truly my moder dede her dever ryth feythfully therin, as my cosyn Clare xal tellyn zw qhan that he speketh with zow; and sche gete grawnt of my seyd lady that there xuld nowth ben don azens zw therin, and ze wold acordyn with her, and don as ze owyn to do be twyx this tym and Trinyte Sunday.

Laueraw[n]ce Rede of Mawthhy recommawndeth hym to zu, and prayt zw that ze wyl vwchesave to leten hym byn [buy] of zw the ferm barly that ze xuld have of him, and if ze wyl laten hym have it to a resonabyl pris, he wyl have it with ryth a gode wyl; and he prayit zw if ze wyl that he have it, that ze wyl owche save [vouchsafe] to send hym word at qhat pris he xuld have the kowmb as hastyly as ze may, and ellys he must be purvayd in other plase.

As twchyng other tydyngs, I sopose Jon of Dam xal send zw word in a letter. As it is told me veryly, Heydon xal not kom at London this term.

It is seyd in this contre that Danyell is owth of the Kyngs gode grase, and he xal dwn and all hys mene, and all that ben hys wele wyllers; there xal no man ben so hardy to don nether seyn azens my Lord of Sowthfolk, nere non that longeth to hym; and all that have don and seyd azens hym, they xul sore repent hem. Kateryn Walsam xal be weddyd on the Munday nexst after Trinyte Sonday, as it is told me, to the galaunte with the grete chene; and there is purvayd for her meche gode aray of gwnys, gyrdelys, and atyrys, and meche other gode aray, and he hathe percheysyd a gret purcheys of v. mark be zer to zevyn her to her joynture.

I am aferd that Jon of Sparham is so schyttyl wyttyd, that he wyl sett hys gode to morgage to Heydon, or to sum other of ywre gode frendys, but if [unless] I can hold hym inne the better, ere ze kom hom. He hath ben arestyd sythyn that ye went, and hath had moche sorw at the sewte of mayster Joh Stoks of London for x. mark that Sparham owt to hym; and in gode feyth he hath had so moche sorow and hevynesse that he wyst nowth qhat he myth don. I fell hym so disposyd that he wold asold and asett to morgage all that he hath, he had nowth rowth to qhom, so that he myth an had mony to an holpyn hym self wyth; and I entretyd hym so, thatt I sopose he wyll nother sellyn ner sett to morgage, nother catel ner other gode of hese, tyl he speke with zw. He soposeth that al that is don to hym is att the request of the Parson of Sparham and Knatylsale. I sopose it is almas to comfort hym, for in gode feyth he is ryth hevy, and hys wyf al so. He is nowth nw under arest, he hath payd hys feys, and goth at large; he was arestyd att Sparham, of on of Knatysales men.

Hodge Feke told me thatt Sym Schepherd is styl with Wylly, and if ze wyl I xal purvey that he xal be browth hom er ze kom hom. It is told me that he that kept zour schep was owth lawyd on Munday at the swth of Sir Thomas Todynham, and if it be so, ze arn nowth lyk to kepe hym longe. And as twchyng that that ze badeyn me speken for to Bakton, he seyth he is wel avysyd that sche seyd sche wuld never have to don with all, ner he kan not pek that sche seyd sche hath non ryth to have it, and he wyl say lyche as he hath herd her seyd; if sche speke to hym therof, he wyll rather hold with zw than with her. I pray ye that ze wyl vwche save to send me word hw ze spede in zour matter twchyng Gressam, and hw Danyel is in grace. Harry Goneld hath browth to me xls. of Gressam syn ze zede, and he seyth I xal have more or Qhythson tyd, if he may pyk it up.

I sopose Jamys Gressam hath told zw of other thyngs that I have sped syn ze zedyn hens. If I her any strawnge tydyngs in this contre, I xall send zw word. I pray zw that I may ben recommawndyd to my Lord Danyel.

The Holy Trynyte have zw in hys kepyng, and send zw helth and gode spede in al zour maters twchyng zour ryth.

Wretyn at Norwyche, on the Wedenys day nexst after thatt ze partyd hens.
Yors,
MARGARETE PASTON.

With modernised spelling:

To my right worshipful husband, John Paston, be this letter delivered in haste.

Right worshipful husband, I recommend me to you, desiring heartily to hearen of your welfare, praying you to weet that I was with my Lady Morley on the Saturday next after that ye departed from hence, and told her what answer that ye had of John Butt, and she took it right strangely, and said that she had told you, and shewed you enough, whereby ye might have knowledge that the relief ought to been paid to her. And she said she wist well that ye delay it forth, that she should not have that longeth to her right. And she told me how it was paid in Thomas Chambre's time, when her daughter Hastings was wedded; and she said sithen that ye will make none end with her, she will sew therefore as law will.

I conceived be here that she had counsel to labour against you therein within right short time. And then I prayed her that she would vouchsafe not to labour against you in this matter till ye come home; and she said nay, be her saith, she would no more days give you therein. She said she had set you so many days to accord with her, and ye had broke them, that she was right weary thereof; and she said she was but a woman, she must don be her counsel, and her counsel had advised her, so she said she would do. Then I prayed her against that she would tarryen till ye come home, and I said I trusted verily that ye would don when ye come home, as it longeth to you to don; and if ye might have very knowledge that she ought of right for to have it, I said I wist well that ye would pay it with right good will, and told her that ye had searched to a found writing thereof, and ye could none find in none wise. And she said she wist well there was writing thereof inow, and she hath writing thereof how Sir Robert of Mautby, and Sir John, and my grandsire, and diverse other of mine ancestors payed it, and said never nay thereto. And in no wise I could not gain no grant of her to seizen till ye come home; and she bade me that I should don an errand to my mother, and when I came home, I did mine errand to her. And she asked me if I had spoken to my lady of this forsaid matter, and I told her how I had do, and what answer I had; and she said she should gon to my Lady Morley's on the next day, and she should speaken to her thereof, and a say to getten grant of her to sesyn of the forsaid matter till that ye come home. And truly my mother did her devoir right faithfully therein, as my cousin Clere shall tellen you when that he speaketh with you; and she get grant of my said lady that there should not been don against you therein, and ye would accorden with her, and don as ye owen to do betwixt this time and Trinity Sunday.

Laurence Reed of Mautby recommendeth him to you, and prayeth you that ye will vouchsafe to leten him buyen of you the farm barley that ye should have of him, and if ye will leten him have it to a reasonable price, he will have it with right a good will; and he prayeth you if ye will that he have it, that ye will vouchsafe to send him word at what price he should have the comb as hastily as ye may, and else he must be purveyed in other place.

As touching other tidings, I suppose John of Damme shall send you word in a letter. As it is told me verily, Heydon shall not come at London this term.

It is said in this country that Daniel is out of the King's good grace, and he shall down and all his men, and all that been his will willers; there shall no man been so hardy to don neither sayen against my Lord of Suffolk, nor none that longeth to him; and all that have done and said against him, they should sore repent him. Katharine Walsham shall be wedded on the Monday next after Trinity Sunday, as it is told me, to the gallant with the great chin; and there is purveyed for her much good array of gowns, girdles, and attires, and much other good array, and he hath purchased a great purchase of V. mark be ear to given her to her jointure.

I am afraid that John of Sparham is so shittel witted, that he will set his good to mortgage to Heydon, or to some other of your good friends, but if I can hold him in the better, ere ye come home. He hath been arrested sithen that ye went, and hath had much sorrow at the sewte of master John Stokes of London for X. mark that Sparham owed to him; and in good faith he hath had so much sorrow and heaviness that he wist not what he must don. I fell him so disposed that he would asold and aset to mortgage all that he hath, he had not rede to whom, so that he must an had money to an helpen himself wit; and I entreated him so, that I suppose he will neither sellen nor set to mortgage, neither cattle nor other good of his, till he speak with you. He supposeth that all that is done to him is at the request of the Parson of Sparham and Knatysale. I suppose it is almost to comfort him, for in good faith he is right heavy, and his wife also. He is not now under arrest, he hath paid his fees, and goeth at large; he was arrested at Sparham, of one of Knatysale's men.

Hodge Feke told me that Sym Shepherd is still with Wylly, and if ye will I shall purvey that he shall be brought home er ye come home. It is told me that he that kept your sheep was outlawed on Monday at the suit of Sir Thomas Tuddenham, and if it be so, ye aren not like to keep him long. And as touching that that ye baden me speaken for to Bacton, he saith he is well-advised that she said she would never have to don with all, nor he cannot peck [?] that she said she hath none right to have it, and he will say like as he hath heard her said; if she speak to him thereof, he will rather hold with you than with her. I pray ye that ye will vouchsafe to send me word how ye speed in your matter touching Gresham, and how Daniel is in grace. Harry Goneld hath brought to me XL s. of Gresham sin[ce] ye yede, and he saith I shall have more or Whitsuntide, if he may pick it up.

I suppose James Gresham hath told you of other things that I have speed sin[ce] ye yeden hence. If I hear any strange tidings in this country, I shall send you word. I pray you that I may been recommended to my Lord Daniel.

The Holy Trinity have you in His keeping, and send you health and good speed in all your matters touching your right.

Written at Norwich, on the Wednesday next after that ye parted hence.
Yours,
MARGARET PASTON.

Notes: hearen = to hear

weet = to know

shew = to show

sithen = afterwards

seizen = to seize

azens = ayens = against

tarryen = to tarry

grandsire = grandfather

gon = to go

speaken = to speak

getten = to get

very = true

devoir = duty

tellen = to tell

owen = to owe

leten = to let

buyen = to buy

sayen = to say

attires = dresses

ear = bundle of grain fruit

given = to give

shittel witted = cowardly, easily frightened

if = unless

ere = before

V. mark = 5 mark

X. mark = 10 mark

almas = best

heavy = miserable

rede = advice

like = likely

yede; yeden = went

XL s = 40 shillings

hold with = side with