Saturday, September 18, 2021

Princess Hedvig Sofia of Sweden's letter to a member of the Royal Council, dated July 5, 1705

Source:

Riksarkivet, Kungliga arkivet, Prinsessan Hedvig Sofia, hertigarna Karl Fredrik och Karl Peter Ulrik, Brev och handlingar, page 160



Above: Princess Hedvig Sofia of Sweden, Duchess of Holstein, painted by David von Krafft.



The letter:

Högwälborne H:r Grefwe, Kongl: Maij:ttz Råd,
Bemödar åter Eders Excell:ce med bijfogade Supplique, hwarvtaff Eders Excell:tz lärer inhämta Supplicantens vnderdånigste ansökiande hos Hans Maij:tt; Och som derigenom een fattig Enkia med så många [illegible] kunde blifwa vndsatt och hulpen, wore wäll om Saken kunde låta giöra sij; och twiflar intet Eders Excell:tz har den godheten at befordra den samma och uträtta hwid hos Hans Maij:tt hwad som möjeligst är; förblifwer i det öfrige
Eders Excell:tz
Wäl affectionnée
H Sophie
Stockholm d: 5.
Julii 1705.

Princess Hedvig Sofia of Sweden's letter to a female relative, dated June 2, 1697

Source:

Riksarkivet, Kungliga arkivet, Prinsessan Hedvig Sofia, hertigarna Karl Fredrik och Karl Peter Ulrik, Brev och handlingar, page 162



Above: Hedvig Sofia, princess of Sweden, artist unknown.


The letter:

Madame
Dans l'excez de la douleur que me cause la perte irreparable que je viens de faire vôtre lettre m'a apporté bien de la consolation, je ne veut pas vous entretenir davantage sur ce Malheur commun, ce seroit redoubler mes larmes et les vôtres; je vous prierai seulemant d'estre persuadée de mon amitié et de la sincerité avec laquelle je suis Madame ma cousine
Vôtre tres affectionnée
Hedevig Sophie.
Carlberg le 2 de Juin
l'an 1697.

Mademoiselle de Montpensier's letter to Madame de Motteville, dated May 14, 1660

Source:

Lettres de Mademoiselle de Montpensier, de Mesdames de Motteville et de Montmorenci, de Mademoiselle du Pré, et de Madame la Marquise de Lambert, page 3, published by Léopold Collin, 1806



Above: Anne Marie Louise d'Orléans, Mademoiselle de Montpensier, painted by Gilbert de Sève.


Above: François Berteau de Motteville, Madame de Motteville, artist unknown.

Anne Marie Louise d'Orléans, Duchess of Montpensier (born May 29, 1627, died April 5, 1693), also known as La Grande Mademoiselle, was the only daughter of Gaston d'Orléans and his first wife, Marie de Bourbon, Duchess of Montpensier. One of the greatest heiresses in history, Anne died unmarried and childless, leaving her vast fortune to her cousin, Philippe of France. After a string of proposals from various members of European ruling families, including King Charles II of England, King Alfonso VI of Portugal, and Charles Emmanuel II of Savoy, she eventually fell in love with the courtier Antoine Nompar de Caumont and scandalised the court of France when she asked King Louis XIV for permission to marry him, as such a union was viewed as a mésalliance. Anne is best remembered for her role in the Fronde and her role in bringing the famous composer Jean-Baptiste Lully to the King's court, and her memoirs.

The letter:

St. Jean-de-Luz, le 14 mai 1660.
M'étant trouvée auprès de vous l'autre jour, lorsque vous causiez chez la reine, avec de vos amies, du bonheur de la vie retirée, il me semble que votre conversation n'avoit jamais été plus charmante et plus agréable: je l'écoutai avec plaisir, et depuis j'ai passé de bonnes heures à y penser. Le lieu où nous sommes est le plus propre du monde à entretenir de semblables pensées; car l'on rêve bien doucement lorsqu'on se promène sur le bord de la mer. Ainsi, Madame, je me suis imaginé que vous ne trouveriez pas mauvais que je vous fisse part des sentimens que vous m'avez donnés, et de l'opinion que j'estime qu'il faut avoir pour rendre cette retraite dont vous parliez, divertissante. Premièrement, Madame, il faudroit, à mon avis, que les personnes qui voudroient se retirer de la cour ou du monde, s'éloignassent de l'un et de l'autre sans être rebutées; mais qu'elle le fissent par la connoissance du peu de solidité qu'on trouve dans ce commerce, et même parmi ses amis. Il y a eu de fort honnêtes gens de tout sexe qui, n'ayant pas eu autant d'habilité que vous et moi à la cour, ont pu néanmoins s'en éloigner par le mépris de la fortune, et il est aisé de ne pas s'en soucier quand on est parvenu, par ses soins ou sa naissance, à en avoir une honnête et selon sa condition. On peut aussi se trouver en âge où l'ambition est moins vive, et où les personnes fort raisonnables peuvent s'en guérir facilement. Car je tiens qu'il y a des temps qu'il seroit aussi heureux d'en être tourmenté, qu'il l'avoit été de s'y être montré toujours insensible. Comme on doit faire ce raisonnement en toutes sortes de conditions, et qu'il est, comme vous savez, des héros et des héroïnes de toutes manières, aussi nous faut-il de toutes sortes de personnes pour pouvoir parler de toutes sortes de choses dans la conversation, qui, à votre goût et au mien, est le plus grand plaisir de la vie, et presque le seul à mon gré. Néanmoins j'opinerois assez qu'il n'y eût pas de gens mariés, et que ce fût toutes personnes veuves, ou qui eussent renoncé à ce sacrement; car on dit que c'est un embarquement fâcheux: vous savez si l'on dit vrai, et si l'on est heureux d'en être dehors. Pour moi je décide là-dessus d'une manière que ceux qui ne me connoîtront pas ne devineront pas qui je suis par ce que j'en dis. Il seroit bon de concerter tous ensemble du lieu, de l'habitation, et délibérer si l'on choisiroit les bords de la Loire ou ceux de la Seine. Quelques-uns auroient mieux aimé les bords de la mer. Pour moi, qui n'aime pas naturellement l'eau, j'aimerois mieux la vue de la mer et des rivières un peu en éloignement, et que ma maison fût située dans le voisinage d'un grand bois, et que l'on y arrivât par de grandes routes où le soleil y feroit voir à peine en plein midi. Je la bâtirois de la plus agréable manière que je pourrois l'imaginer. Les dedans seroient de même fort propres et point magnifiques, non plus que les meubles; car il ne convient pas, quand on méprise tout, et que l'on veut paroître au-dessus de toutes choses, d'avoir la foiblesse de s'attacher à la superfluité. Je voudrois que cette maison fût environnée de jardins, et que le territoire en fût propre à produire les plus excellens fruits. Je prendrois un grand plaisir à faire planter, et voir croître tous ces arbres différens. S'il y avoit de quoi faire des fontaines, je n'en serois pas fâchée; mais j'aimerois mieux la vue que l'eau. Pour mieux dire, chacun feroit bâtir sa maison à sa fantaisie, les uns dans le fond d'un bois, les autres au bord de la rivière. La situation que je choisis pour moi laisse de quoi choisir aux autres, parce qu'au bas de la côté où je m'imagine cette belle forêt, et d'où l'on pourroit se faire une si belle vue, je prétends qu'il y auroit de grandes prairies, et qu'elles seroient coupées de ruisseaux d'une eau claire et vive, qui, en serpentant sur l'herbe, iroient gagner la rivière. On se visiteroit à cheval, en calèche ou avec des chaises roulantes; quelquefois à pied, quelquefois en carrosse, si ce n'est que je pense que peu en auroit. Le soin d'ajuster sa maison occuperoit beaucoup; ceux qui aiment la vie active travailleroient à toutes sortes d'ouvrages, comme à peindre ou à desseiner, et les paresseux entretiendroient ceux qui s'occuperoient de la sorte. Je pense qu'on liroit beaucoup, et qu'il n'y auroit personne qui n'eût sa bibliothèque. On ne romproit point le commerce qu'on auroit avec ses amis de la cour et du monde; mais je pense que nous deviendrions tels, qu'il leur seroit plus glorieux de nous écrire, qu'à nous de leur faire réponse. Je me persuade que dans ce bois que je me figure, ou dans quelque belle allée, il y auroit un jeu de mail: c'est un jeu honnête et un exercice convenable au corps, et qu'il est bon de ne pas négliger, en songeant à celui de l'esprit. On nous enverroit tous les livres nouveaux et tous les vers, et ceux qui les auroient lus les premiers auroient une grande joie d'en aller faire part aux autres. Je ne doute point que nous n'eussions quelques personnes qui mettroient aussi quelques ouvrages en lumière, chacun selon son talent, puisqu'il n'y a personne qui n'en ait tout-à-fait de dissemblables quand on veut suivre son naturel. Ceux qui aiment la musique la pourroient entendre, puisque nous aurions parmi nous des personnes qui auroient la voix belle, et qui chanteroient bien, et d'autres qui joueroient du luth, du clavecin, et des autres plus agréables instrumens. Les violons se sont rendus si communs, que, sans avoir beaucoup de domestiques, chacun en ayant quelques-uns auxquels il auroit fait apprendre, il y auroit moyen de faire une forte bande quand ils seroient tous ensemble. Je ne trouverois pas à redire que, lorsqu'on seroit obligé d'aller à la cour ou aux grandes villes, soit pour affaires, ou pour rendre quelques devoirs de parenté, on ne s'en dispensât point. Je ne voudrois pas que l'on fît les farouches en disant: je ne veux assister à nulle fête, et je ne ferois pas une visite pour mourir: et quand j'y serois, je voudrois m'accommoder aux autres et me rendre commode. Néanmoins je crois que je m'ennuierois fort, et que j'aurois grande joie de retourner; mais je ne le témoignerois pas, de crainte que cette affection ne me fît haïr, et ne m'exposât à la grande raillerie, d'autant plus dangereuse qu'elle seroit bien fondée, et qu'on se l'attire par des façons ridicules. Comme les personnes du monde se déguisent à présent, et que cette façon de faire, qui n'étoit pas bienséante aux gens de condition autrefois, s'est maintenant mise en usage, je ne désapprouverois pas que parmi nous on prît aussi quelquefois ce divertissement, mais d'une manière moins folle. Je voudrois qu'on allât garder les troupeaux de moutons dans nos belles prairies, qu'on eût des houlettes et des capelines, qu'on dinât sur l'herbe verte de mets rustiques et convenables aux bergers, et qu'on imitât quelquefois ce qu'on a lu dans l'Astrée, sans toutefois faire l'amour, car cela ne me plaît point en quelque habit que ce soit. Lorsqu'on seroit revêtu de celui de berger, je ne désapprouverois pas qu'on tirât les vaches, ni que l'on fît des fromages et des gâteaux, puisqu'il faut manger, et que je ne prétends pas que le plan de notre vie soit fabuleux, comme il est en ces romans où l'on observe un jeûne perpétuel et une si sévère abstinence. Je voudrois, au contraire, qu'on pût n'avoir rien de mortel que le manger. Mais il faut finir par ce qui doit être la fin de toutes choses.

Après avoir beaucoup rêvé sur le bonheur de la vie, après avoir exactement lu les histoires de tous les temps, examiné les mœurs et la différence de tous les pays, la vie des plus grands héros, des plus parfaites héroïnes et des plus sages philosophes de tous les siècles passés, je ne trouve personne qui, en tout cela, ait été parfaitement heureux, et j'ai remarqué que ceux qui n'ont point connu le christianisme le cherchoient sans y penser, s'ils ont été fort raisonnables, et sans savoir ce qui leur manquoit, s'apercevoient bien qu'il leur manquoit quelque chose. J'ai remarqué aussi que ceux qui, l'ayant connu, l'ont méprisé et n'ont pas suivi ses préceptes, ont été malheureux, ou en leurs personnes ou en leurs états; qu'il est difficile enfin de faire rien de bon sans songer à la fin. La nôtre doit être notre salut: ainsi toutes personnes y doivent penser. Je voudrois que dans notre désert il y eût un couvent de Carmelites, et qu'elles n'excédassent point le nombre que sainte Thérèse marque dans sa règle. Son intention étoit qu'elles fussent hermites, et le séjour des hermites est dans les bois. Leur bâtiment seroit fait sur celui d'Avila, qui fut le premier. La vie d'hermite nous empêcheroit d'avoir un commerce trop fréquent avec elles. Mais plus elles seroient retirées du commerce du monde, plus nous aurions de vénération pour elles. Ce seroit dans leur église qu'on iroit prier Dieu. Comme il y auroit d'habiles docteurs retirés dans notre désert, on ne manqueroit pas d'excellens sermons: ceux qui les aimeroient iroient plus souvent, les autres moins, sans être contraints dans leur dévotion. J'approuverois aussi qu'il y eût une belle église servie par des prêtres séculiers, habiles et zélés, et qui iroient instruire les villages voisins: je ne voudrois cependant point qu'ils prêchassent sans mission, car j'aime l'ordre en toutes choses. Je voudrois que nous eussions un hôpital où l'on nourriroit de pauvres enfans, où l'on feroit apprendre des métiers, et où l'on recevroit des malades. L'on se divertiroit à voir travailler les uns, et l'on s'occuperoit à servir les autres. Enfin je voudrois que rien ne nous manquât pour mener une vie parfaitement morale et chrétienne, de laquelle les plaisirs innocens ne sont pas bannis. Au contraire, on peut dire que c'est là qu'on les goûte véritablement.

Devine si tu peux, et réponds si tu l'oses.

English translation (my own):

St. Jean-de-Luz, May 14, 1660.
Having found myself with you the other day, when you were chatting with the Queen and with your friends, about the happiness of a retired life, it seems to me that your conversation had never been more charming and more pleasant. I listened with pleasure, and since then I have spent good hours thinking about it. The place where we are is the cleanest place in the world to entertain such thoughts; for one dreams very gently when one walks on the seashore. So, Madame, I imagined that you would not find it bad that I share with you the feelings that you have given me, and of the opinion I think you have to have to make this retreat you were talking about fun. First of all, Madame, in my opinion, people who would like to withdraw from the court or from the world should move away from both without being put off; but let one do it by knowing the little solidity one finds in this business, and even among one's friends. There have been very honest people of all sexes who, not having had as much skill as you and I at court, have nevertheless been able to distance themselves from it by contempt of fortune, and it is easy not to not to worry about it when one has managed, by his care or his birth, to have an honest one and according to his condition. We can also find ourselves in an age where ambition is less lively, and where very reasonable people can be cured easily. For I hold that there are times that he would be as happy to be tormented by it, as he had been to have always shown himself insensitive to it. Since we must do this reasoning in all kinds of conditions, and there are, as you know, heroes and heroines in all ways, so we need all kinds of people to be able to talk about all kinds of things in conversation, which, to your liking and mine, is the greatest pleasure in life, and almost the only one I want. Nevertheless I would opine sufficiently that there were no married people, and that they were all widows, or who had renounced this sacrament; because they say that it is an unfortunate embarkation: you know if one is telling the truth, and if one is happy to be outside of it. For me I decide on this in a way that those who do not know me will not guess who I am from what I say. It would be good to consult all together of the place, of the dwelling, and to deliberate whether one would choose the edges of the Loire or those of the Seine. Some would have liked better the seashore. For me, who does not naturally like water, I would prefer the sight of the sea and the rivers a little far away, and that my house was located in the the vicinity of a large wood, and that one reached it by highways where the sun would barely show at noon. I would build it in the nicest way I could imagine. The interiors would also be very clean and not magnificent, any more than the furniture; for it is not appropriate when we despise everything, and want to appear above all things, to have the weakness to cling to superfluity. I would like this house to be surrounded by gardens, and for the land to be suitable for producing the most excellent fruits. I would take great pleasure in planting and seeing all these different trees grow. If there were enough to make fountains, I would not be sorry; but I would like the view better than the water. To put it better, everyone would have their house built as they liked, some in the back of a wood, others on the banks of the river. The situation that I choose for myself leaves something to choose for others, because at the bottom of the side where I imagine this beautiful forest, and from where one could have such a beautiful view, I claim that there would be great meadows, and they would be cut by streams of clear, living water, which, meandering over the grass, would reach the river. We would visit each other on horseback, in a horse-drawn carriage or with wheelchairs; sometimes on foot, sometimes in a coach, except that I think few would have it. The care of adjusting one's house would occupy a great deal; those who enjoy the active life would work at all kinds of work, such as painting or drawing, and the lazy would support those who did so. I think that we would read a lot, and that there would be no one who did not have his library. One never broke the trade which one would have with one's friends at court and in the world; but I think that we would become such, that it would be more glorious to write to us, than to us to answer them. I am convinced that in this wood that I imagine to myself, or in some beautiful alley, there would be a mail game: it is an honest game and a suitable exercise for the body, and which it is good not to neglect, thinking of that of the mind. All the new books and all the verses would be sent to us, and those who read them first would have great joy in going and sharing them with others. I have no doubt that we had a few people who also brought to light a few works, each according to his talent, since there is no one who has quite different ones when we want to follow nature. Those who love music could hear it, since we would have among us people who would have beautiful voices, and who would sing well, and others who would play the lute, the harpsichord, and other more agreeable instruments. The violins have become so common that, without having many servants, each one having a few to whom he would have taught, there would be a way of forming a strong band when they were all together. I would not find fault with saying that, when one was obliged to go to court or to large towns, either on business, or to perform some duties of kinship, they were not dispensed with. I wouldn't want people to play wildly saying: "I don't want to attend any party, and I won't pay a visit to die; and when I get there, I would like to accommodate myself to others and make myself comfortable." Nevertheless I believe that I would be very bored, and that I would have great joy in returning; but I would not testify, for fear that this affection would make me hate, and expose me to the great mockery, all the more dangerous that it would be well founded, and that one attracts it by manners. ridiculous. As the people of the world are now disguising themselves, and this way of doing things, which was not decorous to people of condition in the past, has now been put into use, I would not disapprove of our sometimes taking this entertainment, but in a less foolish way. I would like us to go and keep the flocks of sheep in our beautiful meadows, that we have haulettes and capelines, that we dine on the green grass of rustic dishes suitable for shepherds, and that we sometimes imitate this that we have read in l'Astrée, without however making love, because I do not like it in any dress whatsoever. When one were clothed with that of a shepherd, I would not disapprove of pulling cows, or making cheeses and cakes, since we must eat, and that I do not claim that the plan of our life is fabulous, as it is in these novels in which one observes a perpetual fast and such severe abstinence. I would like, on the contrary, that one could have nothing mortal but to eat it. But we must end with what must be the end of all things.

After having dreamed a lot about the happiness of life, after having read exactly the stories of all times, having examined the manners and the difference of all countries, the life of the greatest heros, the most perfect heroines and the wisest philosophers of all the past centuries, I do not find anyone who, in all this, has been perfectly happy, and I have noticed that those who have not known Christianity seek it without thinking about it, if they have been very reasonable, and without knowing what they lacked, realise that they were missing something. I also noticed that those who, having known it, despised it and did not follow its precepts, were unhappy, either in their persons or in their states; that it is finally difficult to do anything good without thinking of the end. Ours should be our salvation, so all people should think about it. I would like that in our desert there would be a Carmelite convent, and that they would not exceed the number that Saint Theresa marks in her rule. Her intention was that they should be hermits, and the hermits' residence is in the woods. Their building would be made on that of Avila, which was the first. The hermit's life would prevent us from having too frequent a trade with them. But the more they were withdrawn from the commerce of the world, the more we would have reverence for them. It would be in their church that we would go to pray to God. As there would be skilful doctors withdrawn in our desert, one would not lack excellent sermons; those who would love them would go more often, others less, without being constrained in their devotion. I would approve also that there was a beautiful church served by secular priests, skilful and zealous, and who would go to educate the neighboring villages. However, I would not want them to preach without a mission, for I like order in all things. I would like us to have a hospital where they would feed poor children, where they would teach trades, and where they would receive the sick. We would be entertained by seeing some at work, and we would occupy ourselves in serving others. Finally, I would like nothing to be lacking in order to lead a perfectly moral and Christian life, from which innocent pleasures are not banished. On the contrary, we can say that this is where we really taste them.

Guess if you can, and answer if you dare.

Countess Ebba Brahe's letter to her daughter-in-law Margareta Boje about home remedies and wigs for newly married women that she learned from Queen Maria Eleonora, dated August 6, 1650

Source:

DelaGardiska archivet, volume 6, edited by Peter Wieselgren and published by J. Hörberg, 1835


The letter:

— — — a k dåter hänas maiestät dråningh maria har råt min k d skal tagha röterna af blå lilier ågh koka i gamalt öl ågh drika däd giör stol gångar då inte för start af röterna utan tagha någhe först sedan mer til däs man sir huru start i kuna fördragha för h m stät sägher sigh äfen så hafa haft sedan har hon taghet salpeter ågh groft sallt giort uarmt ågh håle benan åm aftan ågh mårån där i in til knä däd har hulpe häna Gud latet så giöra er min a k dåter iagh har så giärna uilat sända er nu en hufa såm fruerna här bära män min såns gemål säner er nu en där före säner iagh nu inghen utan iagh later giöra er en sådan peruk såm iagh later göra migh til kröningen då han färdigh blir skal iag säna er hånåm där bakåm säta i hufan så gå i såm de ny gifta fruerna här går åm uinteren mäd de små suarta laperna därpå - - -
m a k d troghne uän in i min död
Ebba braa G.
af iåkåpsdal i hast dän
6 Agusti 1650.

min a k dåter kåme migh i hågh mäd sylter miölk ågh ualnöter ågh några lambärteska nöter min k tiänst alltid i giän så tusen kiärligh tak för skölpaderna.

a tergo
Dän uälbårne fru margreta båie min höght ärade h a k dåter ågh synnerlighe kiäre uän dta til egen handa kiärlig.

Countess Ebba Brahe's letter to her daughter-in-law Margareta Boje, dated June 1, 1646

Source:

DelaGardiska archivet, volume 6, edited by Peter Wieselgren and published by J. Hörberg, 1835


The letter:

Välbårne fru min h a k dåter
— — ber för Gud skyl åm förlatelse iagh nu icke i så långh tid har skrefet er til Gud uet sådant icke är sket af förgetenhet utan af stor ånghest ågh bedröfelse såm iagh har lefat uti däna höst uinteren ågh in til däna tid för sedan min k häre lot stika sit ögha har han haft en omäniskeligh pina deri så iagh alldrigh kan utskrifa dän ynka iagh har sit på hånåm sedan mäd min dåter Marias stora siukdom då hon miste den ena sin lila k dåter Gud gaf häna sist ågh sedan nu hon har uare så siuk af sin miälta ågh moran såm så stiger up Gud såm bäst käner ågh uet huar ågh enss bedröfelse ågh börda han göre där på en nådigh ågh god utgångh at man må kunna mäd tålamod draghat min a k d iagh förnimer ågh icke mäd ringha ånghest er suaghet i ert hufud af däd starka suimelset ågh uärk i hafa i ert hufud huilke iagh af hiärta önskar Gud uil lindra ågh er til er hälsa i giän snärt förhiälpa alla era troghne uäner til myken hughnad iagh ber i flitight bruka tör mäieran ågh dragha lite där åf up i näsan en gångh häler 2 åm daghen ågh gåt maierans uaten däd hiälper uist för suimel sedan bär de knyde myserna man giör för hufude i uile ågh tagha en suart höna ågh rifa häna mäd fiäran ågh allt i tu ågh bina uarm åm hufude så blodigh hon är däd göra några gångher M balser bårskär säier han så har haft så har han sigh siälf hulpe mäd en tingh han gör af sölf ågh har taghet in däd har hulpe hånåm han har uare så at han inte har kuna uara blant fålk där af män han bruka däd ågh däd halp hånåm ågh däd leta ui hånåm nu göra åt er så snart däd färdight blir skal iagh säna er Gud såm maghten har hiälpe er - - - min a k d huad er ågh min k sån generalmaioren er k mans saker uidkåmer har iagh hoss min k man ågh drefet mäd all flit ågh hafa de late sigh dän så höght uaret angeläge såm sin egen ågh hafa för däna gången nu så uit braght däd såm sket är i hafa här fule inte mångha uäner kan ske de i bäst tro kuna minst uara åm er uälfärd mån Gud löner fule allt i sin tid då hafa de inte kuna stort uträta min a k dåter iagh takar häna ågh så k för däd hon låter migh ueta åm dän fröken i pomeren så är däd sant iagh kune fule någhe hafa haft tanker däråm först män iagh besinar min sån uara ung huem uet huad hans lyka kan bli han har mångha år än där til allt så tänker inte mer där på utan befaler hånåm Gud han fylier sin bror til frankerike Gud beuare hånåm ågh regeren mäd sin anda nu min a k dåter dän alldra höghsta Gudh antuardar ågh befaler iagh er min ädele gretekin ågh migh alltid i ert troghne ågh dygdesama hiärta såm dän där förblir er in i sin död stadight troghen ågh tiänstuiligh
Ebba braa G.
af ståkålm i hast
dän 1 Juni A:o 1646.

Queen Elizabeth I of England's letter of warrant to Lord Burghley asking him to stay the execution of the Duke of Norfolk, year 1572

Source:

Original letters illustrative of English history, series 1, volume 2, page 262, edited by Henry Ellis, 1825



Above: Elizabeth I, queen of England, artist unknown.

The letter:

My Lord me thinkes that I am more beholdinge to the hindar part of my hed than wel dare trust the forwards side of the same, and therfore sent to the Levetenant and the S., as you knowe best, the Ordar to defar this execution till the here furdar. And this may be done I doubte nothing, without curiositie of my further warrant, for that ther rasche determination upon a very unfit day was countermauned by your considerat admonition. The causes that move me to this ar not now to be expressed, lest an irrevocable dede be in mene while committed. If the wyl nides a Warrant, let this suffice, all written with my none hand.
Your most lovinge Soveraine
ELIZABETH R. ...

With modernised spelling:

My Lord, methinks that I am more beholding to the hinder part of my head than well dare trust the forwards side of the same, and therefore sent to the Lieutenant and the S., as you know best, the order to defer this execution till they hear further. And this may be done I doubt nothing, without curiosity of my further warrant, for that their rash determination upon a very unfit day was countermanded by your considerate admonition. The causes that move me to this are not now to be expressed, lest an irrevocable deed be in mean while committed. If they will needs a warrant, let this suffice, all written with mine own hand.
Your most loving Sovereign
ELIZABETH R. ...

Note: the = they.

Queen Elizabeth I of England's letter of warrant to Sir Thomas Smith and Dr. Wilson for putting two of the Duke of Norfolk's servants to the rack, dated September 15, 1571

Source:

Original letters illustrative of English history, series 1, volume 2, page 260, edited by Henry Ellis, 1825



Above: Elizabeth I, queen of England, painted by George Gower.

The letter:

ELIZABETH R.        By the Quene.
Right trusty and welbeloved we grete yow well, and fyndyng in the traytoroos attempts lately discovered that nether Barker nor Bannister the Duke of Norfolks men have uttred ther knolledg, nother will discover the same without torture; forasmuch as the knolledg herof concerneth our suerty and estate, and that they have untruly allredy answered, We will and by warrant herof authoriss you to procede to the furder examynation of them uppon all poynts that you can thynk by your discretions mete for knolledg of the truth. And, they shall not seme to yow to confess playnly ther knolledg, than we warrant yow to cause them both, or ether of them, to be brought to the rack: and first to move them with feare therof to deale playnly in ther answers, and if that shall not move them than yow shall cause them to be putt to the rack, and to find the tast therof untill they shall deale more playnly, or untill yow shall thynk mete. And so we remitt the whole procedyng to your furder discretion, requiryng yow to use spede herin and to require the assistance of our Lieutenant of the Toure. Gyven under our signet the xv.th of Septemb. 1571.

To or trustie and right well beloved
Counsellors Sr. Thomas ..yth Kt. and
to or. .... tie and welbeloved Doctor ... son of one of the Masters of our
Requestes.

Indorsed
Receaved at the Towir the xvj. daie of 7ter, at eleven
of the clocke in the forenoone 1571.

With modernised spelling:

ELIZABETH R.        By the Queen.
Right trusty and well-beloved We greet you well, and finding in the traitorous attempts lately discovered that neither Barker nor Bannister the Duke of Norfolk's men have uttered their knowledge, neither will discover the same without torture; forasmuch as the knowledge hereof concerneth Our surety and estate, and that they have untruly already answered, We will and by warrant hereof authorise you to procede to the further examination of them upon all points that you can think by your discretions meet for knowledge of the truth. And, they shall not seem to you to confess plainly their knowledge, then We warrant you to cause them both, or either of them, to be brought to the rack: and first to move them with fear thereof to deal plainly in ther answers, and if that shall not move them than you shall cause them to be put to the rack, and to find the taste thereof until they shall deal more plainly, or until you shall think meet. And so We remit the whole proceeding to your further discretion, requiring you to use speed herein and to require the assistance of Our Lieutenant of the Tower. Given under Our signet the XVth of Septemb. 1571.

To our trusty and right well-beloved
Councillors Sir Thomas ..yth Kt. and
to our [right trus]ty and well-beloved Doctor ... son of one of the Masters of Our
Requests.

Endorsed
Received at the Tower the XVI day of September, at eleven
of the clock in the forenoon 1571.

Notes: The rack was a device, incorporating a ratchet, used to torture victims by stretching their limbs beyond their natural limits.

meet = appropriate, proper.

Mary, Queen of Scots's letter to Sir Francis Knollys, dated September 1, 1568

Source:

Original letters illustrative of English history, series 1, volume 2, page 252, edited by Henry Ellis, 1825



Above: Mary, Queen of Scots, painted by unknown artist after François Clouet.


Above: Sir Francis Knollys, artist unknown.

The letter:

Mester Knoleis, y heuu har sum neus from Scotland: y send zou the double off them y vreit to the quin my gud sister, and pres you to du the lyk, conforme to that y spak zesternicht vnto zou, and sut hesti ansur y refer all to zour discretion, and wil lipne beter in zour gud delin for mi, nor y kan persuad zou, nemli in this langasg excus my iuel vreitin for y neuuer vsed it afor, and am hestet. Ze schal si my bel vhuilk is opne, it is sed Seterday my unfrinds wil bi vth zou, y sey nething bot trests weil, and ze send oni to zour wiff ze mey asur her schu wald a bin weilcom to apur strenger, hua nocht bien aquentet vth her, wil nocht bi ouuer bald to vreit bot for the aquentans betuix ous. Y wil send zou letle tekne to rember zou off the gud hop y heuu in zou, guef ze fend a mit mesager y wald wysh ze bestouded it reder apon her non ani vder; thus effter my commendations y prey God heuu zou in his kipin.
Zour asured gud frind
MARIE R.

Excus my iuel vreitin
thes furst tym.

Notes: "y heuu har" = "I have heard."

vreit = wrote.

quin = queen.

pres = pray.

delin = dealing.

mi = me.

langasg = language.

vreitin = writing.

hestet = hasted.

bel = bill.

vhuilk = whilk (which).

vth = with.

schu = she.

apur = a poor.

hua = who.

nocht bien = not being.

bald = bold.

ous = us.

letle tekne = a little token.

rember = remember.

guef = gif, if.

fend = find

mit = meet (proper).

bestouded = bestowed.

reder = rather.

non = than.

Mary, Queen of Scots's letter to her cousin Queen Elizabeth I of England, dated July 5, 1568

Source:

Original letters illustrative of English history, series 1, volume 2, page 246, edited by Henry Ellis, 1825



Above: Mary, Queen of Scots, painted by François Clouet.


Above: Queen Elizabeth of England, artist unknown.

The letter:

Madame
Although the necessitee of my cause (which makith me to be importune to you) do make you to judge that I am out of the way, yet such as have not my passion, nor the respects wherof you ar perswaded, will think that I do as my cause doth requyre. Madame I have not accused you, neither in wordes nor in thought, to have usid your self evell towards me; and I beleeve that you have no want of good understanding to keepe you from perswasion against your naturall good inclynation. But in the meane tyme I cannot chose (having my senses) but perceive very evell furderance in my matters, sence my comming hither. I thought that I had sufficiently discourcid unto yow the discommodities which this delay bringeth unto me. And spetially, that they think in this next moneth of August, to hold a Parlement against me and all my servants. And in the meane tyme I am stayde heere, and yet will you that I shuld put my self further into your Contrey (without seeing you) and remoove me further from myne, and there to do me this dishonnor at the requestes of my Rebelles, as to send Commissioners to heere theim against me, as you wold do to a meane subject; and not heere me by mouth. Now Madame, I have promised you to come to you: and having there made my mone and complaint of those Rebelles, and they comming thither not as possessers but as subjectes to answer, I wold have besought you to heere my justification of that which they have faulsly set furth against me: and if I could not purge myself therof, you might then discharge your handes of my causes, and let me go for such as I am. But to do as you say, if I wer coulpable, I wold be better advised. But being not so, I cannot accept this dishonnor at their handes, that being in possession they will comme and accuse me before your Commissioners, wherof I cannot lyke. And seeing you think it to be against your honor and cousynage to do otherwise, I beseech you that you will not be myne enemye untill you may see how I can discharge my selfe every waye. And to suffre me to go into France, where I have a dowery to mainteyn me; or at the least to go into Scotland, with assurance that if there come any strangers thither, I will bynd my self for their retourne without any prejudice to you. Or if it please you not to do thus, I protest that I will not impute it to falshode if I receyve strangers in my contrey, wythout makyng you any other discharge for it. Do with my body at your will, the honnor or blame shalbe yours. For I had rather dy heere, and that my faythfull servants may be succourid (though you wold not so) by strangers, then to suffer theim to be utterly undon upon h.. to receyve in tyme to come particuler commodite. There be many things that moove me to feare that I shall have to doo in this contrey with other then with yow. But forasmuch as nothing hath followed upon my last mone, I hold my peace. Happen what may happe, I have as leef to abyde my fortune, as to seeke it and not fynde it. Further, it pleased you to gyve lycence to my subjects to go and come. This hath ben refusid me by my Lord Scroope and Mr. Knolles (as they say) by your commandement, because I wold not depart hence to your charge untill I had answer of this Lettre; though I shewed them that yow requyred my answer upon the two pointz conteyned in your Lettre. Th'one is (to let you breefly understand them) I am come to you to make my mone to you; the which being heard, I would declare unto you myne innocency, and then requyre your ayde. And for lack therof I cannot but make my mone and complaint to God, that I am not heard in my just quarell; and to appele to other Princes to have respect therunto, as my case requyreth; and to you Madame first of all, when you shall have examynid your conscience before and have him for witnes: and th'other, which is to come further into your Contrey, and not to come to your presence: I will esteeme that as no favor, but will take it for the contrary: obeying it as a thing forced.

In the meane tyme I beseech yow to retourne to me my Lord Heris, for I cannot be without him, having none of my counsell heere; and also to suffre me, if it please you, without further delay, to depart hence, whither so ever it be, out of this Contree. I am sure you will not deny me this simple request for your honor's sake, seing it doth not please you to use your naturall goodnes towards me otherways. And seeing that of myne accord I am come hither, let me depart againe with yours. And if God permit my causes to succeede well, I shalbe bownd to you for it; and happeninge otherwise, yet I cannot blame you.

As for my lord Flemin, seeing that upon my credit you have suffred him to goo home to his house, I warrant you he shall passe no further, but shall retoorne when it shall please you. In that you trust me I will not (to dy for it) deceave you: but from Donbertran, I answer not, when my L. Flemyn shalbe in the Towr; for they which ar within it will not let to receive soucours, if I do not assure theim of yours. No, though you wold charge me withall. For I have left them in charge to have more respect to my servants and to myne estat, then to my life.

Good suster be of an other mynde. Wyn the hart, and all shalbe yours, and at your commandment. I thought to satisfy you holely, if I might have seene you. Alas do not as the serpent that stoppeth his heering, for I am no inchanter, but your suster and naturall cousyne. If Cesar had not disdaynid to heere or reede the complaint of an advertiser, he had not so dyed. Why should Prince's cares be stopped, seeing they are payntid so long; meaning that they shuld heere all, and be well advised before they answer. I am not of the nature of the basilisk, and lesse of the camelions, to turne you to my lykenesse: and though I shuld be so dangerouse and curst as men say, yow ar sufficiently armyd with constance, and with justice, which I requyre of God, who give you grace to use it well, with longe and happy lyfe. From Carlile this vth. of July 1568.
Your good suster and cousyne
MARYE R.

With modernised spelling:

Madame,
Although the necessity of my cause (which maketh me to be importune to you) do make you to judge that I am out of the way, yet such as have not my passion, nor the respects whereof you are persuaded, will think that I do as my cause doth require. Madame, I have not accused you, neither in words nor in thought, to have used yourself evil towards me; and I believe that you have no want of good understanding to keep you from persuasion against your natural good inclination. But in the meantime I cannot choose (having my senses) but perceive very evil furtherance in my matters since my coming hither. I thought that I had sufficiently discoursed unto you the discommodities which this delay bringeth unto me. And specially, that they think in this next month of August to hold a Parliament against me and all my servants. And in the meantime I am stayed here, and yet will you that I should put myself further into your country (without seeing you) and remove me further from mine, and there to do me this dishonour at the requests of my rebels, as to send commissioners to hear them against me, as you would do to a mean subject; and not hear me by mouth. Now, Madame, I have promised you to come to you: and having there made my moan and complaint of those rebels, and they coming thither not as possessors, but as subjects to answer, I would have besought you to hear my justification of that which they have falsely set forth against me: and if I could not purge myself thereof, you might then discharge your hands of my causes, and let me go for such as I am. But to do as you say, if I were culpable, I would be better advised. But being not so, I cannot accept this dishonour at their hands, that being in possession they will come and accuse me before your commissioners, whereof I cannot like. And seeing you think it to be against your honour and cousinage to do otherwise, I beseech you that you will not be mine enemy until you may see how I can discharge myself every way. And to suffer me to go into France, where I have a dowry to maintain me; or at the least to go into Scotland, with assurance that if there come any strangers thither, I will bind myself for their return without any prejudice to you. Or if it please you not to do thus, I protest that I will not impute it to falsehood if I receive strangers in my country without making you any other discharge for it. Do with my body at your will, the honour or blame shall be yours. For I had rather die here, and that my faithful servants may be succoured (though you would not so) by strangers, then to suffer them to be utterly undone upon hit to receive in time to come particular commodity. There be many things that move me to fear that I shall have to do in this country with other than with you. But forasmuch as nothing hath followed upon my last moan, I hold my peace. Happen what may hap, I have as lief to abide my fortune, as to seek it and not find it. Further, it pleased you to give license to my subjects to go and come. This hath been refused me by my Lord Scrope and Mr. Knollys (as they say) by your commandment, because I would not depart hence to your charge until I had answer of this letter; though I shewed them that you required my answer upon the two points contained in your letter. The one is (to let you briefly understand them) I am come to you to make my moan to you; the which being heard, I would declare unto you mine innocency, and then require your aide. And for lack thereof I cannot but make my moan and complaint to God, that I am not heard in my just quarrel; and to appeal to other princes to have respect thereunto, as my case requireth; and to you, Madame, first of all, when you shall have examined your conscience before and have him for witness: and the other, which is to come further into your country, and not to come to your presence: I will esteem that as no favour, but will take it for the contrary: obeying it as a thing forced.

In the meantime I beseech you to return to me my Lord Herris, for I cannot be without him, having none of my council here; and also to suffer me, if it please you, without further delay, to depart hence, whithersoever it be, out of this country. I am sure you will not deny me this simple request for your honour's sake, seeing it doth not please you to use your natural goodness towards me otherwise. And seeing that of mine accord I am come hither, let me depart again with yours. And if God permit my causes to succeed well, I shall be bound to you for it; and happening otherwise, yet I cannot blame you.

As for my Lord Fleming, seeing that upon my credit you have suffered him to go home to his house, I warrant you he shall pass no further, but shall return when it shall please you. In that you trust me I will not (to die for it) deceive you: but from Dumbarton, I answer not, when my L. Fleming shall be in the Tower; for they which are within it will not let to receive succours if I do not assure them of yours. No, though you would charge me withal. For I have left them in charge to have more respect to my servants and to mine estate than to my life.

Good sister, be of another mind. When the heart and all shall be yours, and at your commandment. I thought to satisfy you wholly, if I might have seen you. Alas, do not as the serpent that stoppeth his hearing, for I am no enchanter, but your sister and natural cousin. If Caesar had not disdained to hear or read the complaint of an advertiser, he had not so died. Why should princes' cares be stopped, seeing they are painted so long; meaning that they should hear all, and be well advised before they answer. I am not of the nature of the basilisk, and less of the chameleons, to turn you to my likeness: and though I should be so dangerous and cursed as men say, you are sufficiently armed with constance, and with justice, which I require of God, who give you grace to use it well, with long and happy life. From Carlisle, this Vth of July 1568.
Your good sister and cousin
MARY R.

Notes: used yourself evil = used yourself malevolently.

want = lack.

discommodities = inconveniences.

specially = especially.

"that they think in this next month of August to hold a Parliament against me and all my servants" = "they" refers to Mary's rebellious subjects.

mean = lowly.

moan = complaint.

cousinage = kinship.

suffer = to allow.

"For I had rather die here" = "For I would rather die here."

h.. = hit.

hap = to happen.

"I have as lief to" = "I would rather"

shewed = showed.

innocency = innocence.

"I warrant you" = "I guarantee you"

In accordance with the nobility's ideals in the early modern era, kings and queens considered themselves siblings.

advertiser = warner.

"he had not so died" = "he would not have died the way he did."

Mary, Queen of Scots's letter to her Sir William Cecil, dated May 19, 1568

Source:

Original letters illustrative of English history, series 1, volume 2, page 237, edited by Henry Ellis, 1825



Above: Mary, Queen of Scots, painted by François Clouet.


Above: Sir William Cecil, artist unknown.

The letter:

Mester Ceciles, l'equité dont vous avvez le nom destre amateur et la fidelle et sincere servitude que [vous] portez a la Royne Madame ma bonne sœur, et par consequent a toutes celles qui sont de son sang et en pareille dignité me fayt en ma juste querele par sur tous autres adresser a vous en ce temps de mon trouble pour etre advancee par votre bon conseille que jay commande a mi lord Heris presant porteur vous fayre entandre au long sur le quel me remetant apres metre recommandee a votre famme et a vous, je priray Dieu vous avoir en sa saynte guarde. De Karlile ce xxviiij. de Mey.
Votre bien bonne amye
MARIE R.

With modernised spelling:

Maître Cecil, l'équité dont vous avez le nom d'être amateur et la fidèle et sincère servitude que [vous] portez a la Reine Madame ma bonne sœur, et par conséquent à toutes celles qui sont de son sang et en pareille dignité, me fait en ma juste querelle par sur tous autres adresser à vous en ce temps de mon trouble pour être avancée par votre bon conseil que j'ai commandé à milord Herris, présent porteur, vous faire entendre au long, sur lequel me remettant après m'être recommandée à votre femme et à vous, je prierai Dieu vous avoir en sa sainte garde. De Carlisle, ce XXIX. de mai.
Votre bien bonne amie
MARIE R.

English translation (my own):

Master Cecil, the equity of which you have the name of being a lover and the faithful and sincere servitude which you bear to the Queen Madame my good sister, and consequently to all those who are of her blood and in such dignity, makes me in my just quarrel address to you over all others in this time of my trouble to be advanced by your good advice which I commanded from my Lord Herris, the present bearer, to make you hear at length, on which I reaffirm myself to be recommended to your wife and to you, I will pray to God to have you in His holy care. From Carlisle, 19 May.
Mary R.

Sunday, September 12, 2021

Princess Alice of the United Kingdom's letter to her mother Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom and Ireland, dated July 9, 1862

Source:

Alice, Grand Duchess of Hesse, Princess of Great Britain and Ireland: Biographical Sketch and Letters, published by G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1884



Above: Princess Alice of the United Kingdom on her wedding day, July 1, 1862, photographer unknown.


Above: Alice with her husband, Prince Louis of Hesse, photographed by John Jabez Edwin Mayall.


Above: Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom and Ireland, photographed by Ghémar Frères.

Princess Alice of the United Kingdom VA CI (born Alice Maud Mary on April 25, 1843, died December 14, 1878) was the Grand Duchess of Hesse and by Rhine from 1877 until her death in 1878. She was the third child and second daughter of Queen Victoria and Prince Albert. Alice was the first of Queen Victoria's nine children to die, and one of three to be outlived by their mother, who died in 1901. Her life had been enwrapped in tragedy since her father's death in 1861.

Alice spent her early childhood in the company of her parents and siblings, travelling between the British royal residences. Her education was devised by Albert's close friend and advisor, Baron Stockmar, and included practical activities such as needlework, woodwork and languages such as French and German. When her father, Prince Albert, became fatally ill in December 1861, the eighteen year old Alice nursed him until his death. Following his death, Queen Victoria entered a period of intense mourning, and Alice spent the next six months acting as her mother's unofficial secretary. On July 1, 1862, while the court was still at the height of mourning, Alice married a German prince of a minor principality, Prince Louis, heir to the Grand Duchy of Hesse. The ceremony — conducted privately and with unrelieved gloom at Osborne House — was described by the Queen as "more of a funeral than a wedding." Alice's life in Darmstadt was unhappy as a result of impoverishment, family tragedy and worsening relations with her husband and mother.

Alice showed an interest in nursing, especially the work of Florence Nightingale. When Hesse became involved in the Austro-Prussian War, Darmstadt filled with the injured; the heavily pregnant Alice devoted a lot of her time to the management of field hospitals. One of her organisations, the Princess Alice Women's Guild, took over much of the day-to-day running of the state's military hospitals. As a result of this activity, Queen Victoria became concerned about Alice's directness about medical and, in particular, gynaecological, matters. In 1871, she wrote to Alice's younger sister, Princess Louise, who had recently married: "Don't let Alice pump you. Be very silent and cautious about your 'interior'." In 1877, Alice became Grand Duchess upon the accession of her husband, her increased duties putting further strains on her health. In late 1878, diphtheria infected the Hessian court. Alice nursed her family for over a month before falling ill herself, dying later that year on the seventeenth anniversary of her father's own death.

Princess Alice was the sister of King Edward VII of the United Kingdom and Empress Victoria of Germany (wife of Frederick III), mother of Empress Alexandra Feodorovna of Russia (wife of Nicholas II), maternal grandmother of Louis Mountbatten, 1st Earl Mountbatten of Burma (the last Viceroy of India), and maternal great-grandmother of the late Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh (consort of the current Queen Elizabeth II). Another of Alice's daughters, Elisabeth, who married Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich of Russia, was, like Alexandra and her family, killed by the Bolsheviks in 1918.

The letter:

ROYAL YACHT, July 9th.
BELOVED MAMA: — Before leaving the yacht I must send you a few lines to wish you once more good-bye, and to thank you again and again for all your kindness to us.

My heart was very full when I took leave of you and all the dear ones at home: I had not the courage to say a word, — but your loving heart understands what I felt.

German translation (my own):

Die königliche Yacht, 9. Juli.
Geliebte Mama: — Bevor ich die Yacht verlasse, muss ich Dir noch ein paar Zeilen schicken, um Dir noch einmal Lebewohl zu sagen und Dir immer wieder für all Deine Freundlichkeit zu danken.

Mein Herz war ganz voll, als ich mich von Dir und all den Lieben zu Hause verabschiedete: Ich hatte nicht den Mut, ein Wort zu sagen, — aber Dein liebendes Herz versteht, was ich empfand.

Caroline Southwood Smith's letter to her stepdaughter Gertrude Hill, dated November 1845

Source:

Life of Octavia Hill as told in her letters (1913), compiled and edited by Charles Edmund Maurice


The letter:

November, 1845.
On Monday it is Ockey's birthday. She will be seven years old. She intends to give me a patchwork bag on that day — and she sits on a play box placed on a window-board, and looks so pretty, sewing earnestly away, never thinking that I am watching her. Every now and then she looks out at the passers by: they know every boy and girl, cat, dog, and donkey in the village by sight, and a good many of them by name, and for those whose name they do not know they invent one.

Octavia Hill's letter to unknown recipient, written at age four, year circa 1843

Source:

Life of Octavia Hill as told in her letters (1913), compiled and edited by Charles Edmund Maurice



Above: Octavia Hill as a child, from an oil painting by Margaret Gillies.

The letter:

We have a box full of silks. I gave Miranda a beautiful piece, it was velvet and the colours were black, purple, yellow and white and green. Miranda gave me a beautiful piece of crimson plush. Miranda has a book called The Peacock at Home and it has three stories in it.

Caroline Southwood Smith's letter to her daughter Gertrude Hill about her youngest daughter Octavia Hill, year 1843

Source:

Life of Octavia Hill as told in her letters (1913), compiled and edited by Charles Edmund Maurice


The letter:

Leeds, 1843.
Ockey learns to read very nicely. She is a very funny little girl; this is the way she talks. "Mama, I am as hot as if I were on the fire." "Mama, I shall never button this shoe if I were to try till the world is knocked down." She says things are as ugly as coal. The other day she told Minnie that she should "like to have a field so large that she could run about in it for ever."

Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom and Ireland's letter to her uncle Leopold I, King of the Belgians, dated April 10, 1838

Source:

The letters of Queen Victoria: a selection from Her Majesty's correspondence between the years 1831 and 1861: published by authority of His Majesty the King, edited by Arthur Christopher Benson and Viscount Reginald Baliol Brett Esher, 1907



Above: Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom and Ireland, painted by William Essex.


Above: Leopold, King of the Belgians, drawn by Sir George Hayter.

The letter:

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 10th April 1838.
MY DEAREST UNCLE, — I received your kind letter of the 5th on Sunday, and return you my best thanks for it. I shall, before I say another word, answer your question about the horses which I ride, which I do the more willingly as I have got two darlings, if I may use that word. They are, both of them, quite perfect in every sense of the word; very handsome, full of spirit, delightful easy-goers, very quiet, and never shying at anything. Is not this perfection? The one called Tartar (which belonged to Lord Conyngham), an Irish horse, is a very dark brown, a beautiful creature; the other, which Lord Uxbridge got for me, is called Uxbridge; he is smaller than Tartar, and is a dark chestnut, with a beautiful little Arabian head. I am afraid I shall have bored you with this long account of my horses.

I am going to Windsor to-morrow afternoon, and have got a great deal to do in consequence....

Poor dear Louie lingers on, but, alas! I can only say lingers; she does not gain strength. I cannot say how it grieves me, I am so sincerely attached to the good old soul, who has known me ever since my birth. But I still entertain a hope that she may get over it.

We shall have a fortnight's respite from our Political Campaign. I trust we shall do as well as we have done when Parliament meets again. Believe me always, your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.

Notes: Lord Uxbridge = Henry, Earl of Uxbridge, afterwards Second Marquis of Anglesey (1797-1869).

Louie = Louisa Louis (1771-1838).

Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom and Ireland's letter to her uncle Leopold I, King of the Belgians, dated April 4, 1838

Source:

The letters of Queen Victoria: a selection from Her Majesty's correspondence between the years 1831 and 1861: published by authority of His Majesty the King, edited by Arthur Christopher Benson and Viscount Reginald Baliol Brett Esher, 1907



Above: Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom and Ireland, painted by Henry Collen.


Above: Leopold, King of the Belgians, painted by Sir George Hayter.

The letter:

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 4th April 1838.
MY DEAREST UNCLE, — Vous ne m'en voudrez pas, I sincerely hope, for not having written to you sooner to thank you for your kind letter, which I received last week, but I really could not do so. As honesty is the best policy, I will tell you the simple fact. I have been out riding every day for about three hours, which quite renovates me, and when I come home I have consequently a good deal to do, what with seeing people, reading despatches, writing, etc. You will, I trust, now quite forgive your poor niece, whom you so often call "the little Queen," which is, I fear, true; but her feelings of affection are not so small as her body is, I can assure you.

The Prince de Ligne will be received with every possible attention, I can promise; it would have been so without his being recommended; his rank, and, above all, his being one of your subjects, would of course entitle him to a good reception from me....

There is another sujet which I wish to mention to you, et que j'ai bien à cœur, which is, if you would consult Stockmar with respect to the finishing of Albert's education; he knows best my feelings and wishes on that subject....

Notes: "Vous ne m'en voudrez pas" = "You won't blame me."

sujet = subject.

"et que j'ai bien à cœur" = "and that I have at heart."

Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom and Ireland's letter to her uncle Leopold I, King of the Belgians, dated February 22, 1838

Source:

The letters of Queen Victoria: a selection from Her Majesty's correspondence between the years 1831 and 1861: published by authority of His Majesty the King, edited by Arthur Christopher Benson and Viscount Reginald Baliol Brett Esher, 1907



Above: Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom and Ireland, drawn by Sir David Wilkie.


Above: Leopold I, King of the Belgians, painted by Auguste-Alexis Canzi after Franz Xaver Winterhalter.

The letter:

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, 22nd February 1838.
MY DEAR UNCLE. — ... I had a very brilliant Levée again yesterday, at which O'Connell and all his sons, son-in-law, nephew, etc., appeared. I received him, as you may imagine, with a very smiling face; he has been behaving very well this year. It was quite a treat for me to see him, as I had for long wished it.

We are going on most prosperously here, which will, I am sure, give you as much pleasure as it does me. We have no fear for any of the questions. Lord John Russell is much pleased with the temper of the House of Commons, which he says is remarkably good, and the Duke of Wellington is behaving uncommonly well, going with Ministers, and behaving like an honest man should do. ...

Dowager Queen Adelaide of the United Kingdom and Hanover's letter to her niece Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom and Ireland, dated January 24, 1838

Source:

The letters of Queen Victoria: a selection from Her Majesty's correspondence between the years 1831 and 1861: published by authority of His Majesty the King, edited by Arthur Christopher Benson and Viscount Reginald Baliol Brett Esher, 1907



Above: Adelaide of Saxe-Meiningen, dowager queen of the United Kingdom and Hanover, painted by Sir William Ross.


Above: Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom and Ireland, painted by Sir William Ross.

The letter:

24th January 1838.
MY DEAREST NIECE, — Having just been informed of your gracious consideration of, and your generosity towards, the dear King's children, I must express to you how deeply I feel this kind proof of your attachment to the late King, whose memory you respect by the generous continuance of their former allowances from the Privy Purse. Nothing could have given me more real satisfaction, and I trust and hope that they will prove their gratitude and entire devotion to you by their future conduct. Let me thank you, dearest Victoria, from the bottom of my heart, and be assured that the heavenly blessing of our beloved King will be upon you for your generous kindness to those he loved so much in this world.

I hope that you have not suffered at all from the severity of the weather, and are as well as all your subjects can wish you to be, amongst whom there is none more anxiously praying for your welfare and happiness than, my dear Niece, your most devoted and affectionate Aunt,
ADELAIDE.

Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom and Ireland's letter to William Lamb, 2nd Viscount Melbourne, writing of herself and him in the third person, dated January 15, 1838

Source:

The letters of Queen Victoria: a selection from Her Majesty's correspondence between the years 1831 and 1861: published by authority of His Majesty the King, edited by Arthur Christopher Benson and Viscount Reginald Baliol Brett Esher, 1907



Above: Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom and Ireland, drawn by William Corden the Elder.


Above: William Lamb, 2nd Viscount Melbourne, painted by John Partridge.

The letter:

WINDSOR CASTLE, 15th January 1838.
(Half-past nine o'clock.)
The Queen has written approved on Lord Melbourne's letter as he desired: but adds a line to express her satisfaction at Lord Durham's having accepted the office of Governor-General of Canada.

The Queen will be very happy to see Lord Melbourne at half-past three.

Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom and Ireland's letter to William Lamb, 2nd Viscount Melbourne, writing of herself and him in the third person, dated December 29, 1837

Source:

The letters of Queen Victoria: a selection from Her Majesty's correspondence between the years 1831 and 1861: published by authority of His Majesty the King, edited by Arthur Christopher Benson and Viscount Reginald Baliol Brett Esher, 1907



Above: Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom and Ireland, painted by Thomas Sully.


Above: William Lamb, 2nd Viscount Melbourne, painted by John Partridge.

The letter:

WINDSOR CASTLE, 29th December 1837.
The Queen received Lord Melbourne's two letters yesterday evening, and another this morning, enclosing one from Lord Duncannon. The Queen is very much gratified by the kind expressions in the letter she got last night; she is grieved to see Lord Melbourne is so much oppressed with business.

The Queen thinks Lord Melbourne has acted with the greatest judgment with respect to Sir J. Conroy, and highly approves the course he intends pursuing.

The Queen regrets that there should be so much difficulty with respect to the Report of the Army Estimates, but fervently trusts that no serious difficulties will arise from it; she will be very anxious to talk about this and many other matters when she sees Lord Melbourne, which the Queen hopes (as Lord Melbourne says nothing to the contrary) she will do on the 3rd or 4th.

The Queen thinks that it will be quite right if Lord Melbourne writes to Lord John about the Staffordshire Yeomanry. The Queen will be delighted to see Lady John Russell's little girl, and would be very happy if Lady John was to bring the Baby also. The Queen begs Lord Melbourne to invite them (Lord and Lady John) in her name on the 8th, and to stay till the 11th.

The Duke and Duchess of Cambridge are here, and the Queen is very sorry to say, that from what she sees and hears, she has reason to fear all is not as it should be; her mother is most markedly civil and affectionate towards both the Duke and Duchess, and spoke Politics with the former. The Queen will tell Lord Melbourne more about this when she sees him.

The weather was beautiful yesterday, and the Queen had a long drive and walk, which have done her great good; it is still finer to-day.

Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom and Ireland's letter to William Lamb, 2nd Viscount Melbourne, writing of herself and him in the third person, dated December 28, 1837

Source:

The letters of Queen Victoria: a selection from Her Majesty's correspondence between the years 1831 and 1861: published by authority of His Majesty the King, edited by Arthur Christopher Benson and Viscount Reginald Baliol Brett Esher, 1907



Above: Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom and Ireland, painted by Sir William Ross.


Above: William Lamb, 2nd Viscount Melbourne, painted by John Partridge.

The letter:

WINDSOR CASTLE, 28th December 1837.
The Queen received Lord Melbourne's communication yesterday evening, and is glad to see that the Speaker consents to remain a little while longer, though, as Lord Melbourne says, it is still very inconvenient.

The Queen regrets that there should have been any difference of opinion with respect to Canada, but hopes with Lord Melbourne that some final arrangement may be come to next Wednesday.

The Queen is very sorry to learn that Lord Melbourne will be detained in London until Saturday. She omitted to ask Lord Melbourne when he thinks it would be convenient for Lord Palmerston to come down to Windsor for a few days, as it is the Queen's wish to ask him in the course of the Recess.

The Queen is very thankful to Lord Melbourne for his kind enquiries after her health; she is sorry to say she had one of her bad headaches yesterday, but feels very well this morning and thinks a drive will quite cure her.